any one; but that it shall continue as heretofore, to secure the Protestant Establishment, civil and religious, from possible contingencies."

Archdeacon Paley, who cannot be considered the advocate of intolerance or bigotry, observes: "If the generality of any religious sect entertain dispositions hostile to the constitution, and if government have no other way of knowing its enemies than by the religion which they profess, the professors of that religion may justly be excluded from offices of trust and authority. The legislator, however, would not make religious tenets the tests of men's inclinations to the state, if he could discover any other that was equally certain and notorious." Again,

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political inclinations are not so easily detected by the affirmation or denial of any abstract proposition in politics, as by the discovery of the religious creed with which they are wont to be united."

As one of your objections to the Test system is founded on your opinion of its obsolete cha+ racter originating in barbarous times, and therefore in justice to be repealed in this age of pro

*

Bishop Huntingford's Letter to Lord Somers, p. 98.

found learning, unimpeached loyalty, and unparalleled wisdom; allow me to recall to your memory, that the ancient republic of Athens absolutely recognised the Test system. That in those refined ages, when probably in your opinion the plant of civil and religious liberty flourished in its happiest and most luxuriant state, watered only by the tears of patriots and the blood of heroes, yet those ages still were dishonoured by a Test. Even the polished Athenians thought it no " grievance," that as they were in the possession of an establishment, they should also have a Test for its preservation. The ancient form was in these words: "I will not dishonour the sacred arms, nor desert my comrade in battle. I will defend and protect my country and my religion, whether alone or in conjunction with others. I will always be ready to obey the supreme magistrate-and lastly, I will conform to the established religion."*

With respect however to political authorities, and the sentiments of the leading statesmen of this country, these must be presumed to

και μετα παντων και ιερα τα πατρια τιμησω. Joan Stoboei de Repub. Serm. 41, and Warburton's " Alliance."

have some weight, untinctured with spiritual bigotry, and unbiassed by secular motives. Among the distinguished opponents to the repeal of these laws, will be found the names of Lord North, Mr. Burke, Mr. Pitt, Lord Eldon, Mr. Canning, Mr. Peel. To the high authority and the venerable opinion of these illustrious persons, some respect may surely be allowed. It has been stated, with respect to Mr. Pitt, though anxious to introduce a bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics, which should be consistent with Protestant security, yet he never contemplated the entire repeal of the Test Laws.* With respect to Mr. Burke, his opinion is the more valuable, since it sprang from conviction. And on the ground of experience, and from the

* Mr. Pitt entertained the suspicion that if the Dissenters were admitted to power, they would exercise that power in endeavouring to subvert the Establishment, because, regarding as they do the Establishment as sinful, idolatrous and reprehensible, they, as the Papists would under similar circumstances, consider it a part of duty to overthrow it.

Mr. Peel stated in his speech, that Mr. Canning, in the last session, declared his opposition to the repeal of the Test Laws. And it is a very strong argument against the repeal, that no Catholic bill was ever framed which contemplated such a measure.

events of the French Revolution, his predictive and comprehensive spirit detected evident danger to the constitution from the encouragement of Dissenters.

Even Hume, however attached to republican principles, does not disaffect to deny the advantage from the alliance between the Church and the State, which you, my Lord, appear throughout the whole of the speech to disparage and virtually to disclaim. "The union of the civil and ecclesiastical powers serves extremely, in every civilized government, to the maintenance of peace and order; and prevents those mutual encroachments, which as there can be no ultimate judge between them, are often attended with dangerous consequences.

You appear, my Lord, to entertain a doubt that the Dissenters can be animated by any hostility to the Church, or that when they acquired power they ever employed it to the detriment of the Church. The historian remarks, "The Dissenters having put to death the Archbishop of Canterbury, destroyed the church, and overturned the monarchy, would grant no particle * Hume's History, Henry II. vol. 1. p. 416, edit. 1767.

of toleration to any individuals who differed from them in religion, but were quite as bigoted and intolerant as ever the Papists were."*

I proceed now to consider some of the other arguments in your speech. You observe, that the Catholics are favourable to the repeal of these laws. This is not surprising, since their repeal will open the avenue to power for them as well as for the Dissenters. And I am fearful, that the Catholics will make common cause with the Dissenters in any attempt at aggrandizement and political ascendency; though if success crown their efforts, there will probably be interminable hostility between the conflicting parties. Another observation of yourself, my Lord, or your friends is, that the Church is not unfavourable to the repeal, since its members have concurred in withholding petitions. The silence of the Church is thus construed into

* Hume vol. VII. p. 41.

I could adduce numerous other authorities to the same purpose, but I refrain, only taking the liberty to remind our legislators in the words of Demosthenes. Tevos av eveka ταυτα λεγω ; ινα ειδητε, ω ανδρες Βεληφοροι, και θεασησθε οτι δεν ετε φυλαττομενοις υμιν, ετι φοβερον, όταν ολιγωρητε, τοιςτον, οιον αυμεις Έελησθε.