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vernment in office, he could have wished it to survive the day on which intelligence should be received from the United States as to the result of our last attempt to close the differences between Great Britain and the United States. He then recounted to the House how, within two days after the British Government had received from the President of the United States the notice that the existing convention about the Oregon territory was to terminate at the close of twelve months, accompanied with a declaration that the notice was given in the hope that it might lead to an amicable termination of all disputes, Her Majesty's Government had not hesitated, although its offer of arbitration had been refused, to specify frankly, and at once, the terms on which it would consent to the partition of that territory. The President of the United States, on receiving our terms, had referred them at once to the Senate; and the Senate, acting in the same spirit of patriotism as the President, immediately advised that they should be accepted. He then stated the two main articles in the convention to be, first, that the line of boundary between the British and American territory should be continued along the 49th parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly to the Pacific Ocean, off Fuca, south of that latitude, open to both parties; and secondly, that the navigation of the great northern branch of the Columbia should be free and open to all British subjects. That very day, on returning from the Isle of Wight, he had had

the satisfaction of receiving from Mr. Pakenham an official letter, dated Washington, the 13th June, informing him that the conditions offered by Her Majesty's Government had been accepted by the Government of the United States, without the addition or alteration of a single word. Thus the Governments of two great nations, both impelled by public opinion, had by their moderation and spirit of mutual conciliation averted a war, which was in danger of breaking out between them, in spite of their common blood and common language, and which, if it had broken out, would not have lasted long without involving Europe in its desolation. Mentioning, as he passed along, that the Earl of Aberdeen had intimated to the United States his desire of employing our good offices to mediate between them and Mexico, Sir Robert Peel concluded this part of his subject by expressing his gratification that, before he surrendered his power, he could assure the House that every chance of war with the United States was terminated with honour to this country.

Sir Robert Peel concluded his address in these words :

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Sir, I have now executed the task which my public duty imposed upon me; and I trust that I have said nothing which can lead to discussion or controversy. can say with truth, that whatever opinions may be formed with regard to the extent of the danger with which we were threatened, Her Majesty's Government, in proposing those measures of commercial policy which have disentitled them to the confidence of many of those who heretofore gave them their support, were influenced

by no other desire than that of promoting the interests of the country. (Cheers.) Our object was to avert dangers which we thought were imminent, and to avoid a conflict that we believed would soon place in hostile collision great and powerful classes in this country. The love of power was not the motive for the proposal of these measures; for, as I have said before, I had not a doude that, whether those measures were accompanied with failure or with success, one event certainly must occur, and that was, the tecumnation of the existence W this Government. (Hear,

I admit that the withdawai w the confidence of many W WH #rends was the natural to the weasures we propound, and I do think, when projaman af sued a mature are made,

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me-I say that neither of us are the parties who are strictly entitled to the merit. There has been a combination of parties, and that combination of parties, together with the influence of the Govern ment, has led to the ultimate suc cess of the measures. But, Sir, there is a name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures: it is not the name of the noble lord the mem ber for London, neither is it my name. Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will be associated with the success of these measures, is the name of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, has advocated their cause with unting energy, and by appeals to reason, enforced by an eloquence the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadornedthe name which ought to be and which will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden. cheers.) Without scruple, Sir, I (Loud attribute the success of these mea sures to him.

Sir, I shall now close the address which it has been my duty to make. thanking the House sinverely for the favour with which * has listened to this my last address in my official capacity. Within a few hours, probably, that power which I have held for a yeriod of five years will be surendered into the hands of another; I say it without repining, and without complaint-with a more Yey "evilection of the support and co-iience which I have regeved that of the opposition which, deng a recent period. I have tunered. I stail, I fear, leave odice with a name severely censured 24 many honourable men wis at pudde principle, deeply

regret the severance of party ties who deeply regret that severanec, not from any interested or personal motives, but because they believe fidelity to party, the existence of a great party, and the maintenance of a great party, to be powerful instruments of good government. I shall surrender power, severely censured, I fear, by many honourable men, who, from no interested motives, have adhered to the principles of protection, because they looked upon them as important to the welfare and interests of the country. I shall leave a name execrated, I know, by every monopolist-(Loud cheers and laughter)-who, professing honourable opinions, would maintain protection for his own individual benefit. But it may be that I shall be sometimes remembered with expressions of goodwill, in those places which are the abodes of men whose lot it is to labour and earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow; in such places, perhaps, my name may be remembered with expressions of good-will, when they who inhabit them recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because no longer leavened with a sense of injustice.' (Loud and long-continued cheering, during which Sir Robert Peel resumed his seat.) When the cheering had subsided,

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Sir Robert Peel again rose, and said: "I have received a communication from the noble lord whose services have been required by Her Majesty; and I trust, in conformity with his wish, the House will unanimously support the motion I now make, namely, that the House at its rising do adjourn till Friday next." (Cheers.)

Lord Palmerston rose to ex

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press his concurrence in this proposal, and also in the wish that tho House should abstain from entering upon topics likely to produce discussion. He proceeded to observe, that if he abstained from following Sir. R. Peel into the defence of his Administration, he must not be supposed to have either abandoned or retracted any opinion which he had formerly expressed upon it. The silence of his friends and himself must not be construed into any acquiescence in the commendations which the right honourable baronet had just passed upon his own Government. thought that Sir R. Peel had shown a proper deference to the House in thus bowing to its opinion, and that he had stated very correctly that the present was not an occasion on which he could properly have recommended the dissolution of Parliament. He was glad to hear him announce the principles on which he thought that the Government of Ireland ought to be conducted in future. Declining to follow him into many of his other observations, he remarked, that he could not pass by one of the topics of his speech without expressing the deep pleasure which he (Lord Palmerston) had received from Sir R. Peel's announcement that the unfortunate differences which had existed for some time past between England and the United States had been brought to a termination which was equally honourable to all parties. Sir R. Peel had well said that the success of the great measure just passed was not so much due to the Whigs on one side of the House or to the Tories on the other, as to the talents, perseverance, and eloquence of Richard Cobden. In the language

which he had used Sir R. Peel had paid a deserved compliment to his honourable friend; but the House and the country would look beyond that compliment, and would see, in Mr. Cobden, not only a great improver of our commercial code, but also a great result of Parliamentary reform-that reform, which was the source of Sir R. Peel's recent power, and which had enabled him, though he had opposed it, to pride himself on having carried his present policy through the House of Commons.

Mr. Hume congratulated Sir Robert Peel and the country on the successful termination of the Nve trade struggle. He considered that Sir Robert had rendered such * service to his country as would redound for ever to the honour of Ai namo When he came into othee he found the country engaged in warz and he was sure that no consolation would be greater to him than that when he left office he left it at peace with all the world. He had also by his great measure afforded fair and ample scope for the employment of capital

and industry, and for which he deserved as much or more credit than any predecessor in office. When this measure was properly carried out it would confer the greatest benefits on the civilized world. Mr. Hume therefore regretted, that at this moment circumstances should compel the right hon. baronet to resign the helm of power; and he was sure that his retirement was the source of regret and a matter of sympathy with millions. ("Hear, hear!") No one ever left power carrying with him so much of the sympathy of the people. ("Hear, hear!") He would venture to say, that those honourable gentlemen who were now opposed to him on this great question, would before many years elapsed regret the course which they had taken, and would become converts to the system he advocated. ("Hear, hear!") He individually felt the greatest gratitude to Sir Robert Peel for the manner in which he had carried out this great measure.

Sir Robert Peel's motion was then agreed to.

CHAPTER VI.

Formation of Lord John Russell's Administration-Programme of the principal Offices-The new Ministers vacate their seats, and are elected with scarcely any opposition-Debate in the House of Commons on the policy of the new Government-Observations of Mr. Evelyn Denison upon its construction-Mr. T. Duncombe urges Lord John Russell to make an explicit statement of the principles on which he is prepared to act-Speech of Lord John Russell in answer-Remarks of Mr. B. Osborne, Mr. B. Escott, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Ward, Mr. Horsman, and other Members-The Sugar Duties— Temporary Bills for their continuance-Lord John Russell proposes Resolutions for a Permanent Settlement of the Question on the 20th of July-Details of his plan-Remarks of Mr. Goulburn, Lord George Bentinck, and Mr. Hume-The Debate is adjourned to the 27th of July-On the Motion that the House go into Committee on the Resolutions, Lord George Bentinck proposes an Amendment hostile to the Ministerial scheme-Speeches of Lord George Bentinck, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Robert Inglis, Lord Sandon, Mr. G. Berkeley, Sir J. Hogg, Sir Robert Peel, Sir T. Acland, Mr. P. Miles, Mr. Borthwick, the Marquis of Granby, Mr. Hume, Mr. Bernal, Mr. E. Denison, Mr. Barclay, Mr. Disraeli, and Lord John Russell-The Amendment is rejected by 265 to 135—Various Amendments on the Resolutions are proposed and withdrawn-The Earl of Clarendon moves the First Reading of the Bill in the House of Lords-Lord Stanley moves that the Bill be read a first time that day three months-Lord Denman and Lord Brougham speak against the Bill on Anti-Slavery grounds-The Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl Grey, and other noble Lords support it, and the First Reading is carried without a Division-The Second Reading is opposed by the Bishop of Oxford, who moves an Amendment, which is seconded by the Bishop of London-The Marquis of Lansdowne vindicates the Measure, and the Bill is affirmed on a Division by 28 to 10.

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FEW days after the proceedings in Parliament narrated in the last chapter, the construction of Lord J. Russell's VOL. LXXXVIII.

Administration was made known
to the public. The distribution
of the principal offices of State
was as follows:-
:-

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