an armistice, and the opinion of Her Majesty's Government that the armis tice should be followed by a Conference.

The plan of renewing the demand for an armistice received unanimous support, but the suggestion of a Conference gave rise to some objections and inquiries. The Austrian Government, in a despatch, the substance of which was communicated to me by Count Beust on October 9, while stating their desire not to thwart the action of England, requested information on the following points :

1. Whether the Porte is to take part in the Conference.

2. Where the Conference is to meet. 3. If the Conference is to be composed of the foreign Ministers of the respective countries or of Plenipotentiaries.

4. What is to be the programme of the Conference.

They said that it would depend upon the information derived from the answers to these questions whether they could waive the objections they entertained to the idea. Until then they were of opinion that a Commission at Constantinople, such as had previously been suggested, would be a preferable plan, and would more profitably employ the time allowed by the armistice.

As Count Beust did not ask for an immediate reply to the above queries, I told his Excellency that I must reserve my opinion on the first point—namely, whether or no the Porte should be represented in the Conference. It would be necessary to ascertain the views of other Powers, which were still unknown to

me.

As to the second question I must equally reserve a final expression of opinion; but, personally, I was inclined to think that Constantinople would be on various accounts the most convenient place of meeting.

As to the third, I considered that the personal attendance of the various Foreign Ministers at a Conference, whose sittings might last some time, would be in many respects unadvisable.

As to the fourth, I agreed in the view, which I understood to be that of Count Andrassy, that a Conference without a basis was not likely to lead to good results; and I thought that a programme, more or less definite, ought to be agreed upon before it met; but the terms of such programme would require care in framing, and I could only say that it should be submitted to the Powers in due course.

On the other hand, it appeared that the Russian Government were likely to stipulate for the exclusion of the Turkish Representatives from at least the first

portion of the deliberations of the Conference-a step which seemed to make it undesirable that Constantinople should be the place of meeting.

In a despatch addressed to your Excellency on October 11, I reverted to the subject of the influx of Russian volunteers into Servia which had already formed the subject of conversation between Count Schouvaloff and myself. I pointed out the embarrassment caused to the Roumanian Government by the passage of these volunteers through their territory, and stated that Her Majesty's Government considered that the Government of Prince Charles had some right to complain that their conscientious efforts to remain neutral were thus thwarted. I went on to say that the Government of Great Britain would be the last to suggest the repression of sympathy with a popular cause as long as it did not exceed the limits prescribed by International Law, but that the presence of Russian officers and soldiers in the Servian army had assumed proportions little short of national assistance.

If the Emperor of Russia was as sincerely desirous of a speedy and peaceful termination of the war as Her Majesty's Government believe him to be, he could scarcely be insensible to the difficulties thus thrown in the way of a settlement.

The assistance so openly given to Servia must tend to excite irritation and suspicion in the minds of the Turkish Ministers, and at the same time to raise the hopes of the Servian Government, and render them less inclined to listen to reasonable terms. Beyond this there was the danger, that the presence of so large a foreign element in the Servian army might lead to a spirit of insubordination and constitute its commanders into military chiefs, independent and impatient of the control of Prince Milan's Government.

These considerations Her Majesty's Government wished to press on the serious attention of the Emperor and his advisers, and you were instructed to take an opportunity of expressing yourself to the Russian Government in this sense.

On October 12 the Turkish Government communicated to the Representatives of the mediating Powers at Constantinople a Note, in which they stated that, taking note of the proposal of the Powers for the re-establishment of peace with Servia and Montenegro, on the basis of the status quo ante, and while declaring themselves ready to submit to the decision of the Powers on the conditions they had themselves proposed, they were ready to consent to the conclusion of a

regular armistice. They considered, however, that it should extend to six months, from October 1 to March 31. They requested, at the same time, that the Powers should name delegates to arrange the terms of the armistice on the spot, and stated that they were ready at once to give the necessary instructions to their troops, and that then the delegates would have to come to an understanding with the commanders of the contending armies on the details of the armistice, and with respect to the necessity of not permitting the Servians to re-occupy the positions now in the possession of the Imperial troops. The Porte further hoped that the Powers would fake measures to put a stop to the introduction of arms and munitions of war into the Principalities, as well as to the influx of volunteers, and felt confident that the Powers, while impressing on the Principalities the necessity of scrupulously observing the obligations imposed by the armistice, would be able to prevent all attempts on their part to encourage, directly or indirectly, the insurrectionary movements in the neighbouring Provinces, or to furnish aid to the insurgents.

On the same day a general scheme of reform was promulgated for the whole Ottoman Empire, the substance of which was communicated to me on the 13th by the Turkish Ambassador. These reforms consisted in the establishment of a Senate and of a Representative Assembly to vote the Budget and taxes, a revision of the system of taxation, the reorganization of the Provincial administration, the full execution of the law of the vilayets, with a large extension of the right of election, and other measures of reform, including the practical measures which had been desired to be introduced into Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Immediately on learning by telegraph from Sir H. Elliot the intention of the Porte to grant a six months' armistice, I pressed upon Count Schouvaloff and Count Beust the importance of their Governments inducing Servia to accept the armistice. I also urged this through Her Majesty's Embassies at Paris, Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Rome, and sent instructions in the same sense to Belgrade and Montenegro.

The Russian Ambassador expressed his doubts whether the armistice would be accepted at Livadia. I thought it right to warn His Excellency that, however strong might be the feeling of national indignation against Turkish cruelties, it would be superseded by a very different sentiment if it were once believed by the English nation that Constantinople was

threatened. I said that, rightly or wrongly, the conclusion to which every one here would come would be that the rejection by Russia of the Turkish proposal indicated a fixed purpose of going to war; and I entreated him to omit no effort to make his Government understand the light in which this resolution would be viewed by the English people.

On the 12th I learnt from Lord Lyons that the French Government would send immediately instructions to the French Agent at Belgrade to urge the Servians to accept the armistice, and on the 13th the Austrian Ambassador informed me that his Government accepted the proposal of six months' armistice, would do all in their power to procure its acceptance by other States, and would use their best efforts in that sense both at Belgrade and with the Prince of Montenegro. They still declared, however, that they could not determine their course as to a Conference without knowing the programme. They considered the exclusion of a Turkish Representative contrary to the Treaty of Paris, and they hoped that the questions of the armistice and Conference might be kept separate, and the armistice agreed to without being complicated by considerations as to future negotiations.

On the 12th the Russian Chargé d'Af faires at Constantinople had expressed himself against a long armistice, and when reminded by Sir H. Elliot that his Government had asked a short time previously for one of three months, replied that circumstances had changed, and he did not believe that his Government would be satisfied with the present proposal; and on the 16th Count Schouvaloff communicated to me the telegram from Prince Gortschakoff, dated Livadia, October 14, of which the following is a translation:

"We do not think an armistice of six months necessary or favourable to the conclusion of a durable peace, which we desire. We cannot exercise pressure on Servia or Montenegro to make them consent to the uncertainty of their difficult situation being so prolonged. Lastly, we consider that the financial and commercial position of all Europe, already intolerable, would suffer still more from this delay. We must insist ('devons insister,') on an armistice of a month or six weeks, the original proposal of England, subject to its being prolonged if the progress of the negotiations shows it to be necessary."

I told Count Schouvaloff that I had received this communication with regret, and pointed out to him that the proposal

of Her Majesty's Government was for an armistice of "not less than a month; no objection being taken on our part to a longer term.

The Italian Government likewise demurred to the proposal for a long armistice.

Under these circumstances Her Majesty's Government thought it right to make an appeal to that of Germany, which had hitherto remained uncommitted to either view. I accordingly requested the German Ambassador to lay the matter before the Cabinet of Berlin, and to inquire whether they saw an opportunity of exerting their influence to procure the acceptance of some compromise which might avert the danger, now to all appearance imminent, of an open rupture between Turkey and Russia.

On the 19th inst. His Excellency communicated to me Prince Bismarck's reply, which was to the effect that, although an armistice of six months appeared to the German Government acceptable, and they would have wished Russia to accept it, they did not think that, taking into account the position they had held till then, they would be justified in exercising a pressure on the resolutions of other Powers. Prince Bismarck suggested, however, that perhaps an armistice of six weeks might offer some chance of a solution.

In this state of things, as it was evident that any efforts to bring about the acceptance of the Turkish proposal of a six months' armistice by Servia and Montenegro were checked by the attitude of Russia, Her Majesty's Government felt that further efforts on their part were useless. I therefore informed the Russian Ambassador that, having accepted the Turkish proposal for a six months' armistice, Her Majesty's Government were not prepared to withdraw their acceptance or to make any new proposition. I stated, however, that Her Majesty's Government would offer no objection to a shorter term if the Porte were willing to consent to it, but that they would not press the Porte to do so.

I have since learnt from Sir Henry Elliot that the Porte has informed the Russian Government that they agree to an armistice of six weeks, on condition that if the negotiations are not ended by that time it should be renewed for a similar term, and again for two months if the second period passed without result.

In the foregoing summary of the negotiations I have indicated the successive steps which Her Majesty's Government have taken to secure an agreement among the Powers. Upon the application of

Servia for their good offices, they first obtained the support of all the Powers to a proposal to the Porte of an armistice of not less than a month, and on the Porte advancing terms of peace as a counterproposal, Her Majesty's Government submitted to Russia in the first instance, and then to the other Powers, provisions which might, in their opinion, form the basis of pacification, and which likewise secured the concurrence of the Powers. When subsequently difficulty occurred in obtaining the acceptance of these provisions by the Porte, Her Majesty's Government, again in concert with Russia, recommended that the proposal of an armistice should be reverted to, and pressed it upon the Porte in the strongest manner of which diplomatic action will admit, at the same time suggesting a Conference- -a suggestion which, from what had previously passed, Her Majesty's Government had reason to suppose would also prove acceptable to the Russian Government. If obstacles have been interposed which have frustrated the intentions of Her Majesty's Government, they have not been occasioned by any failure on their part to meet objections in a conciliatory spirit. The object which has been sought throughout has been to arrive at a speedy and durable pacification.

Her Majesty's Government have felt that the continuance of the present war, which was commenced in defiance of the public remonstrances of Russia and the Powers, is all the more lamentable from being unnecessary, since there are no avowed ends to be attained by it which could not be better and more surely arrived at by peaceable discussion. It has long been evident that, so far as the improvement of the condition of the disturbed districts of Turkey and of the non-Mussulman population generally throughout the Empire is concerned, the unaided action of Servia and Montenegro could have no practical effect, and that from the time when the question passed into the hands of the mediating Powers further bloodshed served only to add to the distress and misery of the population.

Her Majesty's Government have done all that has been in their power to procure the cessation of hostilities and the re-establishment of peace, for which Servia and Montenegro appealed to their good offices. They believed that this would be accomplished by a prolonged armistice, and supported that proposal accordingly, feeling convinced that such an armistice meant peace; nor could they regard the period as unreasonable inasmuch as the discussions which took place

in 1861 with regard to the constitution of the Lebanon occupied from January 22 to June 9. They regret that other counsels have prevailed, and that the uncertainty of the situation has thus been continued, with the commercial and agricultural distress which must ensue from it in Servia and Montenegro and the adjacent districts. They are unable to see how the constantly impending possibility of war can be otherwise than ruinous to all the countries concerned, and would hail with satisfaction any proposal which might bring such a state of things to an end.

They cannot, however, consider that it lies with them to advance any fresh propositions; and, while most anxious to cooperate with the other Powers in any measures of pacification in which the Powers may concur, must refrain from pledging themselves to anything which may impede their liberty of action hereafter should the rights and interests of this country be affected.

Your Excellency will read this despatch to Prince Gortschakoff, and give his Excellency a copy of it, stating at the same time that Her Majesty's Government feel assured that he will find in it a convincing proof of the earnest desire which they have shown to act in concert with the Russian Government, and to maintain in all respects the good relations subsisting between Great Britain and Russia.

ABSTRACT OF DESPATCH FROM PRINCE GORTSCHAKOFF TO COUNT SCHOUVALOFF, DATED Nov. 19, 1876:

The Russian Chancellor says that his Government has agreed to the English proposal of a Conference "most willingly," "and the London Cabinet may depend on our assistance in arriving by agreement at a pacific solution of the present crisis." Lord Derby agrees with the indispensable necessity of guarantees for the execution of the reforms which may be promised by Turkey; 'we differ in opinion only on the means of realising this object."

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The London Cabinet would reconcile it with the letter of stipulations concluded in other times, in another situation, and other ideas, without taking account of the

twenty years which have elapsed and of the painful experience which they have brought. This experience has shown, on the clearest evidence, that European action in Turkey has been condemned to powerlessness by the stipulations of 1856, and that the Porte profits by that to perpetuate the system, ruinous for her and for Christian subjects, disastrous to the general peace, revolting to the sentiments of humanity and to the conscience of Christian Europe, which she has pursued for twenty years with the certainty of complete impunity.

The despatch proceeds to say:-If the Great Powers wish to accomplish a real work, and not expose themselves to the periodical and aggravated return of this dangerous crisis, it is impossible that they should persevere in the system which permits the germs of it to exist and develop with the inflexible logic of facts. It is necessary to escape from this vicious circle and to recognise that the independence and integrity of Turkey must be subordinated to the guarantees demanded by humanity, the sentiments of Christian Europe, and the general peace. The Porte has been the first to infringe the engagement which she contracted by the Treaty of 1856 with regard to her Christian subjects. It is the right and duty of Europe to dictate to her the conditions on which alone it can on its part consent to the maintenance of the political status quo created by that treaty; and since the Porte is incapable of fulfilling them, it is the right and duty of Europe to substitute itself for her to the extent necessary to ensure their execution.

Russia (the despatch goes on) is more directly and seriously interested in this matter than the other Powers, but she regards it none the less as one of general interest, and her own views "are free from all exclusive arrière pensée." Count Schouvaloff is instructed to leave a copy of the despatch with Lord Derby, and the belief is expressed that the British Minister "will find in it the proof of our sincere desire to act in concert with the Government of Great Britain, so that the principles upon which the two countries have agreed as the bases of the pacification of the East may not remain, as in the past, a dead letter, a barren programme, without sincerity or efficacy, leaving constantly suspended over the relations of the two countries and over the peace of Europe the menace of the dangers which disturb them to-day."

ON DECEMBER 5.

Article I. The subjects of His Imperial and Royal Apostolical Majesty who reside temporarily or permanently in the territories and Possessions including the colonies and foreign Possessions of Her Britannic Majesty, and the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty who reside temporarily or permanently in the AustroHungarian Monarchy, shall enjoy therein during the continuance of this Treaty, with respect to residence and the exercise of commerce and trade, the same rights as, and shall not be subjected to any higher or other imposts than, the subjects of any third country the most favoured in these respects.

Article II.-The produce and manufactures of, as well as all goods coming from, Austria-Hungary, which are imported into the territories and possessions, including the colonies and foreign possessions of Her Britannic Majesty, and the produce and manufactures of, as well as all goods coming from, British possessions, which are imported into the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, whether intended for consumption, warehousing, re-exportation or transit, shall therein, during the continuance of this treaty, be treated in the same manner as, and in particular shall be subjected to no higher or other duties than, the produce and goods of any third country the most favoured in this respect. No other or higher duties shall be levied in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy on the exportation of any goods to the territories and possessions, including the colonies and foreign possessions, of Her Britannic Majesty, or in the territories and possessions, including the colonies and foreign possessions, of Her Britannic Majesty, on the exportation of any goods to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, than on the exportation of the like goods to any third country the most favoured in this respect. The two high contracting parties likewise guarantee to each other treatment on the footing of the most favoured third country in regard to the transit of goods through the territory of the one from and to the territory of the other.

Article III.-Every reduction in the tariff of import and export duties, as well as every favour or immunity that one of

the contracting parties grants to the subjects and commerce of a third Power, shall be participated in simultaneously and unconditionally by the other.

Article IV. The stipulations of the foregoing Articles, I. to III., relative to the reciprocal treatment on the footing of the most favoured third country shall not apply-1. To those special and ancient privileges which are accorded to Turkish subjects for the Turkish trade in AustriaHungary. 2. To those advantages which are or may be granted on the part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy to the neighbouring countries solely for the purpose of facilitating the frontier traffic, or to those reductions of, or exemptions from, Customs duties which are only valid in the said Monarchy for certain frontiers, or for the inhabitants of certain districts. 3. To the obligations imposed upon either of the high contracting parties by a Customs Union already concluded, or which may hereafter be concluded.

Article V.-Neither of the high contracting parties shall establish a prohibition of importation, exportation, or transit against the other which shall not, under like circumstances, be applicable to the third country most favoured in this respect.

Article VI. The subjects of one of the two high contracting parties shall enjoy in the territories of the other the same protection as native subjects with regard to rights of ownership over trade and manufacture marks, and other distinctive marks of goods or their packages, as well as over patterns, and designs for manufactures. The subjects of Her Britannic Majesty will not, however, be able to claim in Austria-Hungary the exclusive right to a mark or other indication on a pattern or design unless they have deposited two specimens of it in the Chambers of Commerce at Vienna and Buda-Pesth.

Article VII.-The present treaty shall come into force on the 1st of January, 1877, and remain in operation until the 31st of December of the same year.

Article VIII. The present treaty shall be ratified as soon as possible, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Vienna,