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ing idea was, that although the Society, or individuals acting in its spirit, might establish examples and models in the way of model lodging-houses, loan funds, and land allotments, to show what, and how, practicable improvements might be ef fected, yet that any real improvement must be the result of the exertion of the working people themselves.' The want of what is needful to increase their comfort, to protect their health, to raise themselves in the social scale, must not only be felt, but it must beget the resolution to remove it by the culture, the self-denial, and the energy, which are at the bottom of the success of those in the scale above them, whose prosperity they too often envy, without striving to attain. At the same time, it was the duty of the rich, those who had capital to invest, to concur in helping those who helped themselves. The latter would reap their reward in their im.proved domestic comforts, while the capitalists, who helped to raise dwellings of the right kind for the labouring classes, would find that they did so with profit and advantage to themselves, at the same time that they are dispensing those domestic comforts to their poorer brethren.'

6

These ideas, now worn into merest commonplaces, came at that time with all the force of novelty upon the ears of a public always slow to enter upon works of social improvement, until forced into them by the pressure of personal discomfort or of social danger. They had the best effect upon the working classes themselves, who, from that time, felt that they had no truer friend than the Prince. Other passages of the Prince's speech, upon this occasion, were no less striking; none more so than those in which he enforces the truth, the neglect of which is fraught with so much peril to the ultimate interests of the working classes themselves, that disaster must ensue on any attempt to foment an antagonism between labour and capital, or any arbitrary interference between employer and employed:

'Depend upon it,' said the Prince, the interests of classes too often contrasted are identical, and it is only ignorance which prevents their uniting for each other's advantage. To dispel that ignorance, to show how man can help man, notwithstanding the complicated state of civilised society, ought to be the aim of every philanthropic person; but it is more peculiarly the duty of those who, under the blessing of Divine Providence, enjoy station, wealth, and education.

'Let them be careful, however, to avoid any dictatorial interference with labour and employment, which frightens away capital, destroys that freedom of thought and independence of action which must remain to every one if he VOL. II. -3

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is to work out his own happiness, and impairs that confidence under which alone engagements for mutual benefit are possible.

'God has created man imperfect, and left him with many wants, as it were to stimulate each to individual exertion, and to make all feel that it is only by united exertions and combined action that these imperfections can be supplied, and these wants satisfied. This presupposes self-reliance and confidence in each other. To show the way how these individual exertions can be directed with the greatest benefit, and to foster that confidence upon which the readiness to assist each other depends, this Society deems its most sacred duty.'

These were golden words, and peculiarly well-timed. With what satisfaction they were hailed throughout the country, a letter four days afterwards from the Queen to Baron Stockmar does not exaggerate in saying: 'Meyer' (the Prince's librarian) 'will tell you that the Prince made a speech on Thursday which has met with more general admiration, from all classes and parties, than any speech I re-, member.'

Writing himself, the same day, to his mental foster-father at Coburg, the Prince says::

We are quite well, and Monarchy never stood higher in England than it does at this moment.

'Last Thursday I presided at the great meeting of the Society for improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes. I enclose my speech, which has been a great success.'

CHAPTER XXVI.

Unsettled State of Germany-Prince takes great Interest in the Movement for its Unification-The Vor-Parlament-The National Assembly-Separate Plans by the Prince and by Baron Stockmar for the Regeneration of Germany-Election of Vicar of the Empire

-His Installation at Frankfort.

THE state of affairs in Germany at this time naturally engaged much of the Prince's attention. He had looked to the King of Prussia, as we have seen from the remarkable Memorandum (ante, vol. i. pp. 356–363) which he had submitted to the King in September, 1847, to take the lead in a comprehensive measure of reform, which would satisfy the craving for the twofold objects of representative institutions, and of national unity, which the Prince foresaw was rapidly becoming irrepressible. He had then said that, if Prussia declined 'to undertake the guidance of a moderate and systematic German development, the vital forces of the nation, driven onwards by the pressure of the times, will find some irregular vent for themselves, and produce convulsions of all sorts, the final issue of which no power can foresee.' The warning, not the only one addressed by the Prince to his royal correspondent at Berlin, had not been taken, and the crash had come.

The King of Prussia had so long walked in the leadingstrings of Metternich, and was so deeply imbued with the spirit of Absolutism, that his sympathies with the Constitutional movement were apt to evaporate in sentimental eloquence. After the fall of Cracow he had entered into a fresh compact with Russia and with Austria, to make common cause against the agitation for reform by which Europe had been for some time so deeply stirred. The Prince had done his best to inspire him with more liberal views, and to show him that the true interests of Germany were identified with those of England, as the great Protestant constitutional monarchy in Europe. He had also urged upon him, that the days were gone by when Sovereigns could make alliances, without taking into account the feelings of their people; and that any attempt to support Austria in the crusade, which Metternich

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in 1847 had menaced against the Liberal movement beyond the Austrian territories in Italy, would probably lead to a protracted European war. The following letter from Baron Stockmar to the Prince (11th March, 1848) shows how truly the Prince had prognosticated the probable course of events:

'In a letter which I have received from Silesia, dated the 2nd March, this passage occurs:- "Shall we strike for Austria, in order to preserve Italy for her? Every one answers this question in the negative, and says, Let Austria help herself as she can, and let her lose Lombardy if she must. This state of feeling is the fruit of the policy which Austria has for years pursued and practised in Germany. We have no sympathy for Austria and still less for Russia. Towards the former we are indifferent, to the latter we have a decided dislike. In addition to this we believe that the alliance of Prussia with Austria and Russia will only help to accelerate a general war. Will France, will England stand patiently by, if Prussia and Russia join in upholding the Austrian system in Italy? The Provisional Government in Paris has already declared that France will not do so. Just because of the danger of a general war, people in Silesia are desirous of another line of policy for Prussia, one independent alike of Vienna and St. Petersburg-in a word, a common understanding and alliance with England. Would not Prussia, Germany, and England be strong enough to command respect for a wellweighed and grave declaration in support of peace?" &c.

These words from Prussian Silesia Bunsen ought to take in one hand and in the other the letter of the Prince in 1846 to the King of Prussia.' I cannot now recall the precise terms of that letter, but I think it contains a passage which speaks of the sense of justice as differently developed in different nations, and how probable it is that in the next great European crisis this difference will become prominent, and

1 No draft or copy of this letter, on which Stockmar on more than one occasion lays the greatest stress, has been found among the Prince's papers. It was not until 1847, the year after it was written, that the Prince began the system, which he continued till his death, when it was taken up and continued by the Queen, of preserving and classifying in separate volumes copies of all important State papers, all private correspondence, memoranda of important interviews with Ministers, and other documents relative to public affairs, foreign or domestic, so that Her Majesty and himself could at any time with the greatest ease refer to the essential details of any past transaction. These volumes the Prince indexed with his own hand, prefixing a précis of the contents to every volume.

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politically of moment, as Governments which make no account of these differences will no longer be allowed to enter upon alliances at will. If this be so, then is that letter also a prophetic voice, even although it has been lifted up in the wilderness.

'11th March, 1848.'

In his Memorandum of September, 1847, the Prince had expressed a somewhat sanguine view that progress was being rapidly made by the minor Sovereigns in liberalising their local administrations. What had now occurred, however, showed how little this was the case. The people had risen, and either coerced or expelled their rulers; but, having never learned the value of that moderation which grows out of the habit of political freedom, they had either rushed into wild excesses, or sought to reconstitute themselves in accordance with extravagant theories, which could only result in failure and disaster. The Prince had also hoped to beget unity of national purpose and action by restoring vitality to the Diet. But the time for this had passed. With the whole country in convulsions, what hope could be entertained of such a reorganisation of the Diet, as could only have resulted from a calm spirit of mutual sacrifice and concession on the part of both rulers and people in the several States?

The double task which the Germans had set themselves was now to be grappled with by a people, rich in theoretical notions, but with no practical training in political life, and, above all, with no authoritative guide either in monarch or in statesman, to whom they could look with confidence in the toilsome and complicated struggle for individual liberty and national independence. What might have been expected ensued. Project followed upon project, debate upon debate; until, overborne on the one hand by demagogues, whose ends were best served by the continuance of confusion, or thwarted on the other by the jealousy or selfish prejudices of the rival powers, those who had entered on the work of regeneration fullest of hope fell back from it in utter weariness of heart. Their last hope vanished, when after the majority had come round to the view, that the best chance of uniting the thirtytwo millions of Germans into one great nation lay in placing the Imperial Crown in the hands of the King of Prussia as the head of a consolidated State, His Majesty rejected the proffered crown, because it was offered to him by the nation,