384 THE CONDUCT OF AUSTRIA. 1852 the conduct of Austria in taking this opportunity to slight England in return for what happened to Haynau because of his own character.' Some there were, however, who, remembering events yet recent, saw only a fitness in the absence of representatives from that country at the funeral of the Great General, ' whose campaigns were sullied by no cruelties, no crimes;' and who, 'on his death-bed, might remember his victories among his good works.' CHAPTER XLVII. Royal Visit to Tubular Bridge over Menai Straits-Variety of Prince's OccupationsHis Opinion on Irish National Schools-His Character by Princess HohenloheMinistry are defeated on Budget and resign-Lord Aberdeen becomes PremierStrength of his Cabinet-Louis Napoleon becomes Emperor-His Marriage-Parliament re-assembles-Success of Ministerial Measures-Fire at Windsor CastleBirth of Prince Leopold. LEAVING Balmoral on the 12th of October, the Court reached Windsor Castle on the evening of the 14th. Their route was through Edinburgh, where they rested on the night of the 12th; proceeding next day, by way of Preston and Chester, to the Penrhyn Arms Hotel at Bangor, on the Menai Straits. Mr. Robert Stephenson's tubular bridge for carrying the Holyhead Railway across the Straits had just been completed, and the main object of this hurried visit to North Wales was to inspect this signal monument of engineering skill and daring. The Prince walked along the top of the tube, while the Queen drove through it, and they then went down to the sea level to inspect the work in all its gigantic proportions. Splendid' is the Prince's brief record in his journal of the effect produced. Both the Queen and himself were delighted to have another glimpse of the beautiful scenery of this part of North Wales, which a very fine day enabled them to see to advantage. A few days after the return to Windsor Castle, the Prince was elected Master of the Trinity House, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of the Duke of Wellington. On the 2nd of November he took the oath of office, and at the same time Lord Derby was sworn in as an Elder Brother of the Corporation-an honour for which he had been recommended by the Prince. As usual with him, the Prince did not accept the position of Master as a mere honour, which involved no responsibilities. He made himself fully conversant with the objects and duties of the Corporation. He went thoroughly into the question of the reforms that were introduced by the Government a few months afterwards, and he continued to VOL. II.-17 386 SPEECH AT TRINITY HOUSE DINNER. 1852 the last to testify his interest in its prosperity by presiding at the annual banquets, which he made the occasion of some of his most memorable speeches. On the very first of these which he attended (4th June, 1853) some words fell from him, in proposing the toast of the Army and the Navy, which are the more interesting from the fact that he was at that moment using his utmost efforts to raise the effective strength of both arms, under the conviction, unhappily soon to be realised, that these would be put to severe trial at no distant day :— 'We are rich,' he said, 'prosperous, and contented, therefore peaceful by instinct! We are becoming, I hope, daily more civilised and religious, and therefore daily recognising more and more, that the highest use to which we can apply the advantages with which an all-bountiful Providence has favoured us is to extend and maintain the blessings of peace. I hope, however, the day may never arrive, which would find us either so enervated by the enjoyment of riches and luxury, or so sunk in the decrepitude of age, that, from a miserable eagerness to cling to our mere wealth and comforts, we should be deaf to the calls of honour and duty!' It will give some idea of the multifarious nature of the Prince's pursuits, if we mention briefly a few of the subjects which engaged his attention within a few days of his return to Windsor Castle on the 14th of October. The next day he distributes the prizes of the Windsor Royal Association. On the 16th he meets Lord Derby, Lord Hardinge, Lord John Manners, the Duke of Norfolk, the Dean of St. Paul's, the Garter King at Arms, and the Secretary of the Office of Works, to settle the complicated arrangements for the funeral of the Duke of Wellington. On the 19th he is busy with negotiations for the purchase by the Exhibition Commissioners of land at Kensington. Next day finds him engaged with Mr. Edgar Bowring in making the final corrections in the Report of the Committee of the Commissioners, as to the disposal of the Exhibition Surplus, a very elaborate and masterly document. The same day he has to master the general results of the Cambridge University Commission's Report, and to communicate them in his capacity of Chancellor to the authorities of the University. On the 22nd he settles with Mr. Henry Cole and Mr. Redgrave the design of the Duke of Wellington's funeral car. Two days afterwards, in a personal interview with Lord Derby, he goes into the details of the Government measures, which are to consist of an acknowledgment of Free Trade, Lightening of the burdens of Manufacture and Agriculture, Reduction of the Malt Tax, of the 1852 VARIETY OF PRINCE'S OCCUPATIONS. 387 Duty on Tea, &c. On the 29th he presides at a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, at which he persuades them to adopt his plan for the disposal of the surplus, and to vote further funds for the land purchases. The same day he investigates the results of experiments made with Shrapnels at Woolwich upon his recommendation, and writes an elaborate paper to Lord Raglan on the subject. Again, a day or two afterwards, he discusses the South Kensington project with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and goes fully into the financial details of the question of National Defences; and then, passing from finance to art, settles with Sir Archibald Macdonald the music to be played at the Duke of Wellington's funeral. These were only some of the many additions to the usual routine of work involved in keeping pace with the course of public business, Domestic, Colonial, and Foreign, which the Queen and Prince regarded as their duty. With what thoroughness this was done has been already shown. But it may be further illustrated by a letter which the Prince wrote at this time to Lord Derby on the subject of the Irish National Schools. In these the Prince had always felt the deepest interest. Aiming as they did at a purely national education, they were obnoxious to churchmen of extreme views, whether Protestant or Catholic. An agitation had been for some time on foot, which had in view to break up the system, and to substitute for it denominational schools subsidised by the State, but which would certainly not long have been allowed to remain under its supervision. Lord Eglinton writing to Lord Derby (21st October, 1852) had spoken of the system as 'the best which under the peculiar circumstances of the country could have been adopted,' adding that he believed its overthrow would be a grievous national calamity. The secular teaching,' he continued, 'is the best I ever saw; the religious books authorized by the Board are beautifully compiled; the establishments are generally well conducted, and the Bible may be read, though not expounded in the schoolroom, if the patron pleases; the children also having the option of retiring.' He deprecated proposing any change whatever; but suggested that the Government should avert the present danger by assenting to a Parliamentary inquiry into the working of the system. In returning Lord Eglinton's letter, which had been submitted to the Queen by Lord Derby, the Prince wrote: 388 PRINCE ON IRISH NATIONAL EDUCATION. 1852 'Windsor Castle, 26th October, 1852. 'My dear Lord Derby,-I return you Lord Eglinton's letter, which both the Queen and myself have read with great interest. We could not fail to be struck, as you were, with the dispassionate and judicious view which he takes of the system of National education. If he recommends, however, that nothing should be done on the part of the Government to disturb it, as any alteration could only lead to its disruption, which would place the Catholic children solely in the hands of the priests, surely a Committee of Inquiry might also be avoided, as only tending to unsettle people's minds with regard to the stability of the system. 'If Lord Eglinton draws the conclusion from his statistics, that it has failed "as a system of united education," it would be necessary, before admitting this, to know the proportion of Roman Catholic and Protestant children in Ireland. 424,717 Roman Catholic children to 23,338 Church of England and 40,618 Presbyterian children attending the National Schools, does not appear to be at variance with the general proportions of the population. 'But the great national boon the system has conferred is not that it has given united education, but that it has given a liberal and secular education to the Roman Catholic population, which is beginning to tell upon their moral and religious state. This could only in fairness be attained by an united system, treating all religious parties and churches alike. If the Church of England withdraws her children, there is no harm in her educating them at her own expense, in her own way, particularly considering their small number, and if the bestowal of Church patronage can overcome the conscientious scruples of the opponents to the system in the Church, as Lord Eglinton seems to expect, even this need not be feared. But in reality, the system of education is infinitely superior to anything which the Church has ever given, with the exception of reading the Bible. This, however, is done in church, and may be done at home; it is better done when the mind is a little more matured. The importance of it is at the same time only properly recognised by an educated mind. 'P. S.-Look at the accounts in to-day's papers of the Miracle at Grenoble, fully credited by the Roman Catholics in England, and say, whether to educate the mind, irrespective of doctrinal differences, is not of the first importance.' |