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Unwife con- of thofe two powers. Was this
then a feafon, with an accumulat-
ing debt, a decreafing revenue, an
exhaufture of our refources, with
divided councils, and a distracted
people at the verge of political de-
fpair, to engage in fo arduous a
conteft? In fo dire and calami-
tous a fituation, a speedy reconci-
liation, upon any terms, with the
colonies, was the only means left
of political falvation. Grievous
and painful though the lofs of
America would be, it was not,
however, the upshot of calamity.
The queftion of the Americans be-
ing our friends, or being in con-
firmed enmity, and in compact
with our natural enemies, went per-
haps to that of our existence as a
ftate.

get into a worse.
duct, and evil counfels, generally
brought on their own punishment.
We must now fubmit, however
difagreeable to our feeling, to that
chaftifement which we have too
justly merited. The more we
ftruggle, and the longer we perfift
in the obtinacy of error, the
greater thall we find the measure
of our punishment; nor will it in
a little time be circumfcribed with-
in any rule of proportion.

They ftrongly afferted, that a war with the whole Houfe of Bourbon, in conjunction with our late friends and fellow fubjects the Americans, muft be the inevitable, and not distant, confequence of a perfeverance in our prefent measures. Our ally, Portugal, whom we were bound by every tie to protect, was already menaced with immediate danger. If we even fubmitted to the degradation in the eyes of all Europe, of facrificing our ally, our faith, and our intereft, to prefent apprehenfion of danger, that would afford no permanent fecurity, as the prefent conduct of France and Spain, the nature of their preparations, and the fupport which they already afforded the Americans, fufficiently fhewed the part which they would take in our unhappy civil contention.

Were we now then in a condition, when we found ourselves unable, with all the affiftance we could derive from our mercenary auxiliaries, only to reduce our own revolted fubjects, to encounter the whole force of the Houfe of Bourbon, united with that of the Americans? Our national defence by fea and land lay now in America, and in a great measure at the mercy

Upon thefe and many other grounds, they reprobated the propofed addreffes in both houfes, which they charged with subscribing to the ill-founded panegyricks which the Minifters had compofed upon themfelves in the fpeech, with involving the nation in a continuance of the fame ruinous measures which had occafioned all its calamities, and with giving a parliamentary fan&tion to a number of mifreprefentations and fallacies, calculated merely to amufe, deceive, miflead, or inflame the people. Whilft they contended, that the amendments would afford that time and opportunity to parliament, which their duty, a proper regard to their own dignity, and the alarming ftate of public affairs, all equally demanded, for enquiring diligently into the ftate of the nation, tracing the fources of our prefent calamities, and for confidering and devifing all poffible means of averting the innumerable dan

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gers with which we were furrounded.

On the other fide, the fpeech was defended in all its parts; its veracity, prudence, juftice, and magnanimity, being equally fupported and applauded. It was affirmed to be replete with the ftrongest marks of found policy and royal wisdom, as well as with indubitable proofs of the greatest paternal regard and tenderness, for the profperity, happiness, and freedom, of all the fubjects of this empire, however remote or feparated. The amendment to the addrefs was oppofed, as bringing matters forward, which, for the prefent, formed no part of the bufinefs before parliament. If Minifters had neglected their duty; if they fuffered themselves to be deceived; or if they mifled parliament; thefe, or any of them, might be proper objects of enquiry at a fuitable and convenient feafon. But this was neither the time, nor could thofe matters be the proper fubject of the prefent addrefs. The only queftion now before them, that was worthy of ́debate, was very fimple in its nature, comprizable in a fmall m pafs, and easily decided. It was only, whether we chofe to refign all the benefits which we derived from our colonies, all thofe fruits, to which our vast expenditure of blood and treasure in their nurture and defence, gave us a moft legal and equitable right, and by truckling to the defiance and infult hurled at us by the Americans, cut off at once the fources of our power and opulence, and fubmit of confequence to a degradation from that rank which we now hold in the political system of mankind, or whe

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ther, by a full exertion of our power, whilft yet in ftrength and vigour, we preferve all thofe advantages, affert our ancient glory, reftore the fupreme and indivifible authority of the British legiflature, and bring our ungrateful and rebellious fubjects to a due fense of their duty and dependence.

Thefe, faid they, are the great objects under the confideration of parliament. The declaration of independency has done away all other queftions on the American fubject. Taxation, legal rights, charters, and acts of navigation, are now no more. That whirlpool has fwallowed them all within its vortex. It was only through the ftrength derived from her colonies, that this nation was enabled to hold a first place among the greateft powers in Europe. Take them away, and the finks into nothing. Her very existence, as an independent nation, will be at take. It is only now then to be determined, whether, without an effort, we fhall fubmit ingloriously to inevitable ruin, or whether, by a vigorous exertion, we retain our ufual power and splendor,

It was not, however, doubted, that, even independently of motives of interest and fafety, the unparalleled bafeness and ingratitude of the Americans, with the daring infolency of their conduct, would roufe the British fpirit in fuch a manner, that it would take.fpeedy and effectual meafures for their chaftifement. But, notwithstanding that the atrocioufness of their crimes would nearly justify any feverity of punishment, it was ftill wifhed, that when brought to a proper knowledge of their duty and condition, they should be

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treated

treated with lenity; far from the infinuation held out in the amendment, of reducing them to a fervile or abject fubmiffion.

Some of the young Lords were fevere upon the factious fpirit which prevailed here, as well as in America; attributing it to the former, that the latter had been brought into action. And it was infifted, that as the oppofition had hitherto avowedly formed their conduct, upon an opinion, that the Americans had never defigned, or even aimed at independency, and had reprobated every idea of that nature, with an abhorrence equal to that fhewn on their fide, they were now bound, in conformity with their own words and principles, to fupport, with the utmost vigour, thofe measures which were neceffary for their reduction. That this was the ground of unanimity held out in the fpeech, and which had been treated with fuch ridicule and afperity, though no conclufion could be fairer drawn, whilft it was fuppofed they acted upon any line of confiftency. That their unanimity now in fupport of government, was the fmallest reparation which they could make to the nation, for the countenance they had unhappily given, and the share they confequently held in fomenting the present disturbances. And that it was to be hoped, they would now, by candidly confeffing their error, convince the world they were only mistaken, and not intentionally wrong.

The ideas of defpondency, which were held out on the other fide, were faid to be as chimerical, as the alarming reprefentation of public affairs, to which they belonged, was unfounded. The happy fuc

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cefs which had already attended our arms in America, afforded fufficient room for the strongest hopes, that the troubles there would be

fpeedily terminated. That they would probably prove a fource of happiness on all fides, as they would afford an opportunity for fixing the government of the colonies on a permanent bafis, and finally fettling all thofe queftions which had hitherto been the caufe of debate.. That nothing was wanting to bring affairs to this wished-for crifis, but unanimity here, and vigour in America. That the enfuing campaign, fuppofing every obftacle which could take place, would undoubtedly be conclufive in its effect. And that in this state of things it could not be conceived, how any friend to the interests of this country, could wish to weaken the hands of government, or hesitate a moment in agreeing to the addrefs, when the measures to which it was intended to give a fanction, were the only means to fave the British empire from certain ruin and deftruction.

The appearances of danger from foreign powers, were in part denied; in part palliated. It was faid, that the ftrongest affurances of amity continued to be received from France; that the differences between Spain and Portugal were likely to be accommodated; and that our arming, induced other powers alfo to arm, from motives merely of prudence and caution. They also recurred to the old doctrine, that it being directly contrary to the intereft, it could not be fuppofed confonant to the defire of France or Spain, that any powerful independent ftate fhould be established in America. Such, an

event

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event muft interfere with their commercial interefts in both worlds; the idea of independence might become contagious, and fpread to their own colonies; and they might be immediately endangered by the power and ambition of a new and rifing ftate. If any finifter defigns were, however, lurking, they had not efcaped, they faid, the penetrating eyes of our Minifters, who, by their prefent fpirited preparation, had put it out of the power of any infidious rival, or enemy, to take us by furprize, or to convert the fituation of our affairs to their advantage. A conduct replete with fuch wifdom, that it merited the warmest approbation, inftead of captious enquiries, and a difpofition to draw unfavourable conclufions.

The Minifter took fome pains in the Houfe of Commons, to reconcile the apparent contradiction which had been alledged, between the affurances of amity held out in the speech, and the prefent fudden armament. He avowed the paffage and the meafore by acknow ledging his advice to both; and afferted, that the one was ftrictly true, and both perfectly confiftent. It was not deemed prudent to rely fo far upon any affurances, as to be off our guard; and as other powers were arming, it was determined we fhould be prepared for all

events.

Such was the state of warfare between the two parties. The numbers in favour of miniftry continued nearly as ufual; but it was obferved, that the spirit of the debate on their fide vifibly flackened. The addreffes were not defended with the accustomed animation in

either houfe. The great and almost uniform fucceffes of the campaign, having produced no effect whatever towards a pacification, had fomewhat damped the expectations which had been generally formed from a fyftem of coercion. The armament in our ports announced more apprehenfions from foreign powers, than were removed by the declarations, or the arguments, of the Minifters on the fubject. A great and growing expence was forefeen. It was admitted, that the reduction of America was no longer to be confidered as the work of a campaign.

On the other hand, though the advantages obtained in America had not produced all the effect that was expected by fanguine expectants, yet it appeared abfurd to defert the purfuit of a great object in the very midft of victory. Befides, the declaration of independency feemed a great bar to accommodation. Without doors, it produced the full effect propofed by the fpeech, by adding greatly to the alienation of the people at large from the Americans, their caufe, and their pretenfions. Miniftry certainly derived from thence no fmall degree of strength throughout the nation.

The question upon the amendment being put in the Houfe of Commons, the motion was rejected by a majority of 242, to 87, being almoft three to one. The main queftion being then brought forward, the original addrefs was carried in nearly the fame proportion, the numbers being 232, to 83.

The majority in the Houfe of Lords was, as ufual, ftill greater,

the

the amendment being rejected by 91 Lords, including nine proxies, to 26 Lords only, who fupported the motion upon a divifion. The

propofed amendment was entered at full length as a proteft, and figned by fourteen Peers.

CHA P. III.

Debates upon a proclamation iffued in America by the Commiffioners. Motion for a revifal of the American laws by Lord John Cavendish. Motion rejected by a great majority. Seceffion. Arguments urged for and againft the propriety of a partial feceffion. 45,000 feamen voted. Debate on naval affairs. Supplies for the naval and the land service. Recefs.

Na few days after the prefent

by Lord John Cavendish, he seem

Iing of the addreffes, a declara- ed to confider it as a news-paper

tion from Lord Howe and his brother, which had been iffued in America foon after the taking of New York, addreffed to the people at large of that continent, and calculated to induce feparate bodies of them, independently of the Congrefs, to negociate with the Commiffioners upon terms of conciliation, made its firft appearance here in one of the common papers of the morning. It was remarked, that although the ufual Gazette had been published the evening before, and an extraordinary one, giving an account of the taking of New York, on the preceding day, neither of thefe had taken any notice of this public inftrument.

In this proclamation the Commiffioners acquaint the Americans, with his Majefty's being graciously pleafed to direct a revision of such of his royal inftructions, as may be conftrued to lay an improper refraint upon the freedom of legiflation in any of his colonies, and to concur in the revifal of all fuch acts, by which his fubjects there may think themselves aggrieved. This Nov. 6th. piece being brought into the houfe

forgery, and, in that light, a moft daring impofition upon the public; fuppofing, that if it had been authentic, its first public appearance must have been either on their own journals or in the Gazette. He therefore called upon the Minifters, to be fatisfied as to the authenticity of the paper.

The Minifters acknowledged hat fuch a proclamation had been published, and that they did not doubt but the paper now read was a true copy of it. The noble propofer expreffed his aftonishment both at the contents of the declaration, and the accidental manner in which a matter of that moment and nature came to the knowledge of the Houfe. He obferved, that in the whole courfe of the American bufinefs, the Minifters had treated parliament with a degree of indignity, and marks of contempt, which were not only before unknown, but which no credulity could have believed poffible, whil the fhadow or name of the conftitution remained, and the relative fituation of Minifters in this country was remembered. They were, he faid, in every inftance treated

merely

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