the most awful that ever was waged, the most fortunate or the most fatal in its consequences to Europe and to the world, and of all the world to England more than to any other country, has actually begun the reader will learn from the account, in a preceding page of the present number, of the battle between the French and the Austrians at WIRTENGEN. The facility of passage afforded the French through the states of its three willing dependents, the Elector of Baden, Wirtemberg, and Bavaria, together with the facility, which they took the liberty to make to themselves a passage through the Margravate of Anspach (a detached territory of Prussia), have enabled them to fall upon the Austrians at Wirtengen, to push them back from several other posts, and finally to cross the Danube with their main army, and place themselves between the Austrians and Vienna, and, which is of more fatal augur, between the Austrians and the Russians, which latter, in two or three strong bodies, amounting in the whole, perhaps, to fifty thousand men were, it is confidently said, within a few days march of the French army, when the last advices came away. To pretend to speak with an air of accuracy of the precise amount of the forces which the French and Austrians now oppose to each other would be something worse than absurd; but, it appears to be admitted, on all hands, that the force of the former is greatly superior to that of the latter; and, if this be the case, there can be little doubt, that Buonaparte will force his enemy to an action, of which action it is by no means improbable 'that the news will be received before this sheet comes from the press. The position of the Austrians becomes, in this state of things, an object of fearful importance; and it is, too, an object as to which we can come at nothing better than a guess. Be it what it may, however, the French Emperor will assail them; for, if he do not, and if he defeat them not, he must, 'ere long, be himself in a position, from which he will, according to present appearances, find it very difficult to extricate himself.He will be between two fires; at least that must be the case whenever the Russians come up, ifthe Austrians be not previouslydefeated, and if they be not completely defeated too. The next battle is, therefore, for his crown; but, it is not impossible, that it may, too, be for something approaching very near to the crown of the House of Austria; for, as to the Russians, they would oppose but a feeble resistance to a victorious army of a hundred and 1672 forty thousand men. The dangers on the side of the North, if they really menace him, he would cast behind him, rushing forward chastise, to destroy, his most dreaded adverupon the wings of revenge, to humble, to sary, the last remaining bar to his inordinate ambition. The crisis is the most momentous, the most awful, that Europe ever witwith the decision of its fate! The batnessed. The mail may now be coming on trians will, too, in all probability, have tle bewteen the French and the Ausgreat weight in determining the future conduct of Prussia. If things go well ally; if they go ill, it is to be feared that on the Danube, we shall have her for an Lord Harrowby and Mr. Hammond, whom, from the news-papers, we may suppose to be dispatched for the purpose of accelerating the conversion of the Prussian king, will, it is much to be feared, preach in vain; for, if the Austrians be completely defeated, is it to be believed, that all the bank notes that ever were printed in Thread-needle Street will make one Prussian soldier shoulder his mus monarch has granted a passage, through part ket? It is confidently stated, that the Prussian of his states at least, to the Russian troops; but, that he has done this in consequence of the violation of his rights of neutrality by the French in Anspach, is utterly incredible, so good an excuse for his not resenting that affront being offered him in the fact of the rights of neutrality of his neighbour, in anoAustrians having previously set at nought the fore, he really be so friendly, as he is repre ther quarter, the Elector of Bavaria. If, there friendship must have before existed; and, sented to be, to the cause of the allies, that instead of his being rendered hostile to France by the passage of Anspach, it is by no means improbable, that it was his al Buonaparte was informed, that led to the ready-existing hostile intention, of which forcing of that passage by the order of the latter. This is, however, mere conjecture, grounds of an opinion, generally prevalent, and of no more authentic stamp are the the principles of that selfish policy, which that, now, the king of Prussia, even tipon stop, for that, come peace when and how it is attributed to him, may as well go on as to will, Buonaparté will make him feel the ef fects of his resentment: This is an argument, of which the French will take care to break adroit diplomatists than they have, hereto the forte, at Berlin, or they are much les fore, generally proved themselves to be. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covest VOL. VII. No. 18.] LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1905. [PRICE 10D. "No man can tell what will be the issue of war; but, when we look to the past, I ask, with what rational hope such a war as the late one can be begun, and with what rational ground of success? Is it intended, "that, at the present period of the year, when Austria is unprepared, any operations should be undertaken? "Or, that every thing should be prepared to begin the war in the next campaign? If Austria should movė, "and the consequence should be, what is not impossible, productive of serious disasters, what would "become of our hopes of continental connexions? What of the liberties of Europe? What of the prospect of setting limits to the power of France, justly and rationally considered already too formidable? "Under such circumstances, and on information so scanty as that now before the house, it becomes wise "men to consider well before they grant money for the purpose of subsidising foreign powers."-MR. Fox's Speech, 21st June, 1805. Parl. Debates, Vol. V. p. 537. 573] CONVOYS. SIR;I was much gratified to find in your Register, a statement of the embarrassments which the West-India trade has experienced with regard to convoys. The truth of your observations must be apparent to every one; and, I was in hopes that you would have carried your inquiries a little further, and you would have found cause for remark with regard to the outward bound, as well as the homeward bound convoys.— The immense sum of money which is raised by the convoy duty, authorises merchants to expect both regular and sufficient convoys. Instead of which, there are no more of them, and their force less powerful than they were the beginning of last war, when no such tax existed, and when ships could sail as suited their owners and the planters, without asking for licenses or any thing else. That the convoy act, provided it was properly attended to by the Lords of the Admiralty, is beneficial to the country, I really believe; but clogged as the trade now is, without the care they have a right to from that board, it is truly detrimental to both planters and merchants. Convoys are now frequently so weak as scarce to deserve the name of them, and in many instances the ships which are sent from the West Indies are in such bad repair, that they require more assistance from the merchantmen, than they can afford to them. But what I have chiefly to complain of, is the delay which constantly occurs with almost every convoy that is appointed. The Admiralty feel no compunction for keeping 40 or 50 ships two or three months after they first notified a convoy would sail, at an enormous expense to the ships, and a great disappointment to the planters. A conspicuous instance is at present well known here. Your paper, upon West-India convoys, fully shews the hardships many planters have laboured ander. Martial law in Jamaica prevented [674 many planters from making half their crops in that part of the island, which is late in its seasons, and knowing their inability to ship by the August convoy, earnestly requested ships might be sent them by Christmas. A request was immediately sent to the Admiralty, and a convoy appointed to sail the first of September. A dozen large ships were immediately got ready at an extra expense, and sent to Cork, but not an appearance of a commodore. The end of September a second letter was written by the West-India merchants, and forwarded to Mr. Marsden. The answer was, directions had been sent the 25th September for the convoy's sailing the first favourable wind. It was natural to suppose, that we should hear of the fleet having sailed five days after the 25th, particularly as the winds were almost invariably fair for them; but, by this day's letters, on the 15th of October, they were still there. Six weeks after they were appointed to sail, at a serious expense to the owners of the ships, and a great disappointment to the planter, who is now prevented getting his produce off before the May fleet. No explanation is given for this conduct; but people say, it is because the Rochefort squadron is not accounted for; but, surely a country whose government boast of having near a thousand ships of war, cannot be afraid of sending out a convoy on account of five sail of the line being at sea. If they do, what will become of our boasted trade and commerce? Trusting that these few hasty hints will induce you to inquire into the business, and make known to the world, that our Admiralty takes no more care of outward than it does of homeward bound convoys, I am, &c. A. T.-Liverpool, Oct. 21, 1805. Marre's statements. I am biassed by no "Chill penury repressed their noble rage I No, Sir; the persecutors of this gallant body, were to be looked for amongst the vile tribe of money-makers of every denomination, and the degenerate portion of the higher classes. The low man is in reality found in every rank of society; while the brightest flame of virtue will sometimes burn in a cottage. In my own particular conntry, (Ireland) a country, which were I to deline it, I should (without the apprehension of a blunder) denominate that in which the common man is a gentleman; in that country, Sir, I can assure you, I should be extremely sorry to injure any one of our peasants, by a comparison with some very could name in this metropolis.-I find I have made a most unwarrantable digression. To return to the subject of this letter: you would not, as I am convinced, be accessary to any reflection upon the character of the French nobility, that could afford a cause of triumph and self complacence, to the meanest, most selfish, and degenerate description of the inhabitants of this island. The charge. were it true, does not impeach the body of the French nobility, in the eye of any man of honour. I know nothing of the Abbé de la Marre The Count de V... ... 1 is a nobleman of established character, not to be shaken upon trivial grounds; and; 1 am certain is incapable of any unjust reflection upon the Abbe's conduct, unless it were indeed, in one of those moments of peevishness or weakness, from which some of the best and greatest characters have at finies, unhappily, been found not to be exempt. Henry the IVth was known to speak with harshness of Sully. Should the Count have done this gentleman any injury, he will be in haste to repair it. But it is for ever to be lamented, that any misunderstanding should arise for a moment amongst the faithful servants and adherents of Louis the XVIIIth - -As to any emigrant royalists taking or ap propriating to themselves any supplies that were destined for the King of France, or his real service, I can aver, upon grounds, which, I think, were I to state them, would be as satisfactory to the public as they are to me, that there was nothing to take. The money of this country, so far as regarded the internal affairs of France, was wholly dedicated to miserable intrigues, and worse than foolish expeditions. The insurrections of La Vendée, by which, alone, revolutionary France could have been brought to the feet of this country, was notoriously starved; the immortal actors in that glorious struggle, would have dispensed with gold; they wanted only arms and ammunition; and could never obtain them in any quantity, that did not amount to a perfect mockery of the situation in which they had so bravely placed themselves. We were here as parsimonious, as in some other things we were prodigal. These gentlemen, who were abandoned for no other reason, that I ever could discover, than that they were gentlemen, were often reduced to engage the enemy without powder, and not half-armed. Yet such was their spirit, and the number of their adherents, that they actually once deliberated whether they should not march to Paris. That part of the then ministry, who disapproved this cold barbarity, but who were so fatally overborne by others, best know the truth of my assertion. But when I say that the circumstance exceeds 'every instance of misconduct which the last war can furnish, I believe it is impossible to add any thing further to the idea that is meant to be conveyed.I am, Sir, &c.-20. Oct. 1, 1805. SHERIFFS OFFICE. SIR, I have hitherto abstained from noticing J. W. G.'s letter, published in your paper of the 10th of August, in the hope that it would have been answered by some one better qualified by legal knowledge to undertake the task; no answer having ap peared, I have determined on offering yon 1 the following remarks.-In the case stated by your correspondent, if an action were brought against the sheriff for a false return, it is evident that the only question would be, whether he had delivered the ten acres of land or not, since on that fact alone the truth or falsehood of the return would depend. I have little difficulty in saying, that your correspondent's case cannot really have occurred, because it is impossible that the sheriff should be permitted, in defending himself, to give evidence in support of the claim which a third person may have to the land: but, supposing for a moment that such evidence was admissible, how would it support the sheriff's return that "he had delivered the land to the plaintiff?" Or, rather, does not the sheriff, by offering such proof in excuse for not having delivered the land, virtually confess that his return is false? The proof or admission of which fact is all that is necessary to entitle the plaintiff to succeed. I am aware that the recovery of pecuniary damages from the sheriff' in this action, may be a very inadequate satisfaction to the plaintiff, whose object inost probably is, to get possession of the land; but this object there can be no doubt, the court would by some means enable him to attain, The insinuation that the courts will endure a sheriff's disobedience of their process, is so absurd and so repugnant to every day's experience, that it needs no refutation; it is difficult, however, to attribute to any good motive a misrepresentation which tends directly to depreciate the laws of the country, and bring the administration of justice into discrèdit. To those who understand the latter part of your correspondent's letter, I must leave the care of answering it-I am, Sir, &c.- -S. N.- -Oct. 12, 1805. PUBLIC PAPERS. CONTINENTAL WAR.- -Fourth Bulletin of the Grand Army; from the French Off cial Paper, the Moniteur.-Augsburgh, Oct. 11, 1805. The battle of Wertingen was followed, twenty-four hours afterwards, by the action of Gunzburgh. Marshal Ney marched with his corps Loison's division against Langeneau; and Malher's division against Gunzburgh. The enemy, who attempted to op-. pose that march, were every where' overthrown. Prince Ferdinand endeavoured, im vain, to defend Gunsburgh in person. General Malher attacked it with the 59th regiment. The action was obstinate, hand to hand. Colonel Lacuée was killed at the head of his regiment, which, notwithstand ing the most vigorous resistance, carried the bridge by main force. The pieces of cannon which defended it, were carried, and the fine position of Gunzburgh remained in our power. The three attacks of the enemy were useless; they' retired with precipita tion. The reserve of Prince Murat arrived at Burgau, and cut off the enemy on the right. The details of the action, which cannot be given for some days, will make known the officers who, distinguished themselves.-The Emperor passed the night of the 9th, and part of the 10th, between the corps of Ney and Lannes. The activity of the French army, the extent and compli cation of the combinations, which entirely escaped the enemy, disconcerted them to the last degree. The conscripts shewed as much bravery and good will as the old soldiers. The weather is bad; it now rains, but the army is in good health.The enemy lost upwards of 2,500 men in the action of Gunzburgh. We made 2000 prisoners, and took six pieces of cannon. We had 400 men killed or wounded. Major-General d'Asprée is in the number of the prisoners. The Emperor arrived at Augsburgh on the 10th, at nine p. m. The town has been occupied for these two days. The communication of the enemy's army is cut off at Augsburgh and Landsperg, and is about to be cut off at Euessen. The Prince Murat, with the corps of Marshal Ney and Lannes, are engaged in the pursuit. Ten regiments have been withdrawn from the Austrian ar my of Italy, and are coming by post from the Tyrol Some Russian corps, who also travel post, are approaching to the Inn; but the advantages of our position are such, that we can make head against every thing.The Emperor is lodged at Augsburgh, at the Palace of the old Elector of Treves, who has treated with great magnificence the suite of his Majesty, as they successively arrived. Fifth Bulletin of the Grand Army-Augsburgh, Oct. 12, 1805. Marshal' Soult marched with his Corps d'Armée to Landsberg, and by this means has cut off one of the chief communications of the enemy, He arrived on the 11th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, and found there the regiment of cuirassiers of Prince Ferdinand, which, with six pieces of cannon, repaired with forced marches to Ulm. Marshal Soult made the 26th regiment of chasseurs charge this regiment. It was so disconcerted, and the 20th regiment was animated with such an ardour, that the cui," rassiers took to flight on the charge, and left 120 soldiers prisoners, one lieutenant aolonel, two captains, and two pieces of cannon Marshal Soult, who imagined that they would continue their route upon Memmingen, had sent several regiments to cut them off, but they had retreated into the woods, where they rallied, in order to ke refuge in the Tyrol. Twenty pieces of cannon, and the equipage of the enemy's pon toons, had passed, on the 10th, by Lands berg; Marshal Soult sent General Sebastiani in pursuit of them, with a brigade of dragoons. Hopes are entertained that he would come up with them. On the 12th, Marshal Soult directed his course to Memmin gen, where he will arrive on the 13th, at day-break. Marshal Bernadotte marched the whole day of the 11th, and pushed his advanced guard to within two leagues of Munich. The baggage of several Austrian generals is fallen into the hands of the light troops. He made a hundred prisoners from different regiments. Marshal Davoust advanced towards Dachau. His van is arrived at Moisao. The hussars of Blankenstein were put into disorder by his chasseurs, and in different actions, he took 60 horsemen prisoners. The Prince Murat, with the reserve of the cavalry, and the corps of Marshals Ney and Lannes, bas placed himself directly in front of the enemy's army; the left of which is at Ulm, and the right at Memmingen. Marshal Ney is on horseback, on the banks of the Danube, opposite to Ulm. Marshal Lannes is at Weissenberg-General Marmont is advancing, by a forced march, to take a position on the height of Ilte him; and Marshal Soult is advancing to turn the right of the enemy at Memmingen-The imperial guard has left Augsburgh for Burgan, where, probably, the Emperor will pass this night? A decisive affair is just about to take place. The Aus trian army has almost all its communications cut off. It is nearly in the same situation in which the army of. Melas was at Marengo. -The Emperor was upon the bridge of the Lech, when the division of General Marmont defiled. He caused each regiment to form a circle; he spoke to them of the situation of the enemy, of the approach of a great battle, and of the confidence he reposed in them. This harangue was made in dreadful weather. The snow fell in abundance, and the troops were up to the knees in mud, and were exposed to a severe cold; but the Emperor addressed them in expressons warm as fire: on listening to him, the soldier forgot his fatigues and his privations, and was impatient for the hour of the combat to arrive-Marshal Bernadotte arrived at Munich on the 11th, at six o'clock in the morning: he made 600 prisoners, and set out in pursuit of the enemy. Prince Ferdis nand was at Munich. It appears that this prince had abandoned his army of the Hier, -Never will more events be decided in less time. Before the expiration of fifteen days, the destinies of the campaign, ́ and of the Austrian and Russian armies, will be fixed. FOREIGN OFFICIAL, PAPERS. ⠀: BANK OF PARIS.Report made by M. Perregaux to the Proprietors of Bank Stock, relative to the State of the Bank of Paris; October 17, 1805. The Bank has, in the course of the year, received sums on account of its old debts, which are reduced to a mere trifle. It has securities for about 10,900 francs, which will come successively into payment. A loss of 22,184 francs has been sustained on discounts. by forgery: the culprits were discovered; but justice has not yet been able to seize them; the special tribunal is, at this moment, proceeding against them. Government has thought proper to take into its own hands the management of lotteries, with which, the Bank has had no concern since the month of Thermidor. The amount of sums paid and received, has been about 4,500 millions. Discounts have been given to the amount of 630,870,368 francs, without any other loss than that above-mention ed. The reserved funded capital, laid out in 5 per cent consolidated, is 5,399,257 fr. producing an interest of 485,031 fr. The isposable reserve is 947,574 fr. The dividend of the first half of the year 13, was 35 fr. per share, including 5 fr, for the interest of the 5 per cents. The reserve acquired by each share is 13 ft. The dividend of the second half-year was 36 fr. per share, including 6 fr. for the 5 per cents.; and the reserve upon each share was 19 fr. 02 c. The whole year's dividend on each share, therefore, is 71 fr. and the total reserve for the year is 32 fr. 17 c. making, in all, 103 ft. 7 c. which amounts to 10 3-5ths per cent. on the original capital. All the reserved stock acquired, till the present time, amounts to 141 fr. 54 c. per share. Each of you, gentlemen, will, undoubtedly, be ready to ask why, in such an evident state of absolute prosperity, the Bank has been obliged to withhold the payment of its notes in specie? This necessity has been occasioned by events which it was impossible to foresee, by the extraordinary and instantaneous removal of the crowns (écus) which supplied the general circulation, and which, in consequence of their momentary destination, could not |