the minister of foreign affairs, in a commanding tone, the intentions of the Emperor. He desired the Bavarian army should forthwith be delivered up to the Austrian generals, and that in seperate divisions it should be incorporated with the Austrian army. The menace even escaped them that the Bavarian troops, if that desire was not fulfilled, should be disarmed. He required a complete and accurate representation of the state of the Bavarian army, and to all his other demands lie added another, that the Elector, should give him an answer on the same day. Nothing was prepared, the Elector thinking that he ought to yield to his confidence in the court of Vienna, immediately dispatched to his Majesty the Emperor, whose regard for right and justice are so generally recognised, his lieutenant general, the Count Nogarolla, with a letter, written by his own hand, in which in the openest and most cordial terms he confidentially represented to his Majesty the situation in which the elector found himself, the necessity he was under of abiding by the system of neutrality that he had adopted. Without permitting himself to take any steps which could excite suspicious respecting his intentions, the Elector, by the mission of this general, deprived himself of the commander of one of the principal divisions of his army. General Nogarolla had scarcely set out, when they were surprised in Munich by the intelligence, that the Austrian army were preparing to cross the Inn. The Elector now easily perceived that the Austrian generals were determined to put it out of his power quietly to deliberate upon the propositions made to him, and that they hastened at the very commencement of negociations to make sure of the Bavarian troops, and perhaps of the person of the Regent himself. -As to what concerns the troops, the Lieutenant Field-Marshal Mack affected no disguise, and confessed to a Bavarian officer, that, in consideration of the hopes which had been held out to the Prince of Schwarzenberg, he had countermanded the forced march of the division of General Klénau, which was destined to surprise Neuburgh, in order to cut off the retreat of the electoral troops. The moment was now arrived when the Elector of Bavaria, who had hitherto lent implicit confidence to the friendly assurances of the Imperial Envoy, should adopt a prompt and steady resolution to preserve his honour and independence. Without the smallest hostile view, but inst neutrality, the st ed to gain timg

of the moment, from Prince Schwarzenberg When a wish was expressed further to treat with this general, who had in so commanding a tone required an answer in 24 hours, the Elector and his minister found out with astonishment that he was provided with no powers, and that before coming to any conclusion Field-Marshal Mack must be consulted. The interview for which this general and Prince Schwarzenberg had proposed the 9th of September, was agreed to, and in the mean time the Austrian troops. actually entered Bavaria. With their fir.t steps they made heavy requisitions, demanded the administration of the country to be placed in their hands, and began to force their paper money into circulation at its nominal value, while in their own land it had fallen to a discount, of more than 50 pr cent. in exchange for specie. In such circumstances an alliance should be concluded, stipulating the reform and incorporation of the Bavarian army.In the night between the 8th and 9th of September, orders were given for the march of the electoral troops. The Elector and his ministers withdrew from further rexations, quitted the capital, and betook themselves to the Franconian provinces.Notwithstanding the violent proceedings taken against the Elector, his personal confidence in his Majesty the Emperor, and even in Field-Marshal Mack, was not diminished. The electoral Lieutenant Colonel Ribaupierre was dispatched to an appointed interview at Haag, as he was the person best qualified to give the imperial quarter-master the most accurate informa tion respecting the state of the Bavarian ar my. He was commissioned to represent that the union of the Bavarian troops could not be assented to as a preliminary, but must be the result of previous negociation; and particularly to declare, that his electoral highness would never consent to the disbanding of his troops, and would rather perish than submit to it. He remarked to Field-Marshal Mack, that the Bavarian troops had orders to fire on whatever troops, should attempt to disarm them. The Prince of Schwarzenberg proposed to stop the march of the troops till a courier was dispatched to Vienna to fetch new instructions. Colonel Ribaupierre was disposed to accede to this proposal, but Field-Marshal Mack insisted on the Bavarian troops remaining where they were, while the Austrians should be permitted to advance. The Bavarian officer could not assent to such conditions; and here the nego ciations were broken off.- -As the Austrian army were now advancing towards the Inn, the Bavarian toops, which were scat

n

tered up and down in isolated garrisons, m their retreat on all quarters, in order not to come in contact with the army that was passing. They crossed the Danube, and went into cantonments in the Upper Pal tinate. In order that the communications with the commander of the Austrian army might not be embarrassed or retarded by the court having changed its place of residence, the Elector appointed, for the purpose of entertaining those relations, his minister at the courts of Vienna and Salsburgh, Baron Gravenreuth, whe happened then to be at Munich, thereby thinking to give a new proof of his earnest wish to preserve a friendly and good understanding. Thi minister, on the 13th, sent his brother, a captain of the electoral staff, and formerly attached to the mission at Vienna, to Field-Marshal Mack, to Munich, with a letter, in which, appealing to the system of neutrality that had been adopted, he begged to be informed of the particular tract of country through which the imperial troops were to pass, and what positions the electoral troops might take, in order that the imperial army might meet with no impediment on its march, and all occasion for collision be avoided.

Field

Marshal Mack in his answer, contented himself with referring to what he had expressed in words to Captain Gravenreuth, namely, "That the Emperor would never consent to Bavaria remaining neutral, or to the Bavarian troops acting as allies in a distinct corps." The Field-Marshal, in his conversation, entered into a long detail, commencing with the mission of M. NovoSizor, and terminating with the transfer of the Austrian head-quarters to Munich, andexplained the necessity of the rapid progress made into Bavaria, by the necessity of keeping near it the preparations for an attack on France.He rejected every proposition for a line of demarcation, which he said would not be observed by the Russian army, which was already drawing near; declared, that the Bavarian troops, if they were not incorpo rated with the Austrians, would be no where secure, not even in the Franconian Provinces, and that he would follow them wherever they went, allowing no consideration to stop him. The General signified that he was empowered to treat Bavaria in a hostile manner, but that he still entertained hopes of matters being settled with friendship and cordiality. While the Minister Gravenrenth gave intimation of these declarations to his Electoral Highness, and asked for further orders, one account followed another from the officers employed in the civil administration of the country of the conduct of the

Austrian army. Provisions and forage were every where driven away without being paid for, and by the receipts, several millions were added to the unacquitted obligations or the last war. The subjects of the Elector were obliged to furnish horses for the Austrian officers who were travelling post; horses were taken from carriages on the road, for the purposes of draught; considerabid requisitions were made of horses, which were seized upon by execution. The Bavarian peasants were forced to drive the waggons. The Bavarian soldiers who were absent on leave, and the recruits, were forbid, den to join their regiments, under pain of the loss of property. The land was inundated with Notes of the Bank of Vienna, which were forced into circulation at their nominal value; and the shopkeepers and traces-people who refused to take them, were threatened with a seizure of their goods.→→ The Commanders of towns, and the Cor missaries of the army, adopted measures which seemed an introduction to a formal assumption of the administration of the country.At last the Commissaries of the Army extended their jurisdiction to that part of the country of which they were not in possession; and, on the 16th and 17th of September, sent, under orders of Field-Marshal Mack, general directions to the Electo-, ral Civil Commissaries at Amberg, at that time the station of the head-quarters of the Bavarian troops. By these directions the taxes, customs and revenues, of every kind, were to be collected into a chest, on the state. of which notice was to be given every eight days to the Commissaries of the Imperial armies, without whose instructions, not the smallest sum should be paid, with the exception of a few current salaries and pensions; and that in all the Public Offices, the' Vienna Bank Notes should be taken at their Dominal value. By another order, they were commanded to search for, and deliver up the Austrian deserters. The Electoral Civil Cominissaries in Amberg, sent backthese orders, with a notification that they could receive instructions only from his Electoral Highness. The Minister Gravenreuth, however, remonstrated against these measures of the military Commissaries, and on the 20th of September dispatched Staff Officer to the Austrian head-quarters. The Archduke Ferdinand, who, in the heati time, had assumed the command of the army, signified his conviction that the Miltary Commissaries had gone beyond their instructions; appeared to disapprove of their conduct; and promised to communicate an answer in four or five days. As the Aus

Pro

trian troops were now advancing both out of Bohemia, and also by the way of Rain and Newburgh, into the Upper Palatinate, the Bavarian troops found themselves obliged to tetreat, and to withdraw into Franconia.On the 28th of September, the answer of the Archduke Ferdinand arrived in Bamberg, in which he referred to the Austrian Minister, who was then in Wurtzburgh.--This Minister, notwithstanding all that had taken place, had made no ceremony in repairing to the Court at Wurtzburgh. In an audience granted him, he delivered to the Elector a letter from the hand of the Emperor, in which his Majesty insisted on his first propositions, and desired the union of the troops. This Minister afterwards declared, that he was vested with full power to conclude an alliance with Bavaria. positions were brought forward so widely different from the system that, had been observed by Austria for a century past, that their sincerity could not possibly obtain belief. Overtures were renewed to him, the principal of which were to recognise the neutrality of the Elector. He did not absoJutely reject the proposition, but declared in the most precise terms, that the Emperor of Austria would never consent to an armed neutrality. His Majesty, he said, might perhaps consent to a' neutrality, and even agree that a certain circle in the neighbourhood of Munich should never be occupied by Austrian troops, provided the Elector would previously consent to disband his army. Such a proposition necessarily revolted, the Elector and his Ministers. In order, however, to avoid the slightest reproach of having abruptly broken off a negociation by which, perhaps, the Elector might have been placed in a situation to preserve his neutrality, these insulting demands met only a cool reply. The Imperial Minister proceeded, that if the Elector made a difficulty in the general disbanding of his army, the Emperor would be contented with the disbanding of only the Bavarian and Suabian troops, permitting him to retain the Franconians. The Minister of Foreign Affairs rejected a condition so humiliating for the Franconians. The Austrian Envoy declared, that besides the Franconian troops, the Suabians might also be retained, if the Elector would consent to disband the Bavarians. Without this express condition, Lowever, no neutrality could be thought of. How could the Austrian Minister propose a measure by which a difference was supposed between the Electoral troops at once so inJurious and insulting? His Electoral HighLess, and the whole nation, are convinced

that the same fidelity, and the same courage pervade the whole army, and know no difference. The Elector cannot better prove this than by intrusting the defence of the country to the Bavarian and Suabian troops, while he delivers up his person and family to the protection of those of Franconia.The Minister of the Emperor and King further declated, that if the Elector remained armed, his Imperial Majesty would not even on that account treat him as an enemy,, but that this measure must necessarily inspire a just distrust, and that his Majesty would in this case feel himself obliged to act as circumstances might require. It was remarked that this expression was extremely unde fined, and might be explained in any way suiting the occasion. The reply was, that the Ministers of the Elector made no proposition to him, while he was empowered to discuss every condition which was com patible with the disarming of the Bavarian troops. On this new overture there was nothing further to be said. The honour and the independence of the Sovereign could not permit that the disbanding of the Electoral Bavarian troops should be fixed as the basis of any negociation. The Austrian Minister was now aware that his propositions were not, and could not be attended to, and that his negociation had entirely failed of success. He began, therefore, to complain of the approach of the French troops; he gave it to be understood too, that he did not feel himself in his proper place, and that, if no other proposition was made to him, he would return to the Austrian head-quarters. In fact, the Court learned, that on the 27th of September, at three o'clock in the afternoon, he had taken his departure from Wurtzburgh. Thus ended the negociation which Austria wished to enter upon, after it had over-run the land of a peaceable neighbour with a numerous army. This faithful representation, puts every man in a situation. to judge of the intentions of Austria respecting Bavaria, and even to pronounce, that there was nothing left to the Elector of Bavaria, but to throw himself on the pretection of the Emperor of France, against demands, insulting at once to his army and the nation.--Confidence in God, in a generous Ally, in a brave army, and a faithful nation, inspires courage in a just cause.Heaven will bless the Bavarian arms!

GENOA.-Memorial presented on the Part of the French Government to the several Continental States, on the Annexation of Genoa to the French Empire.

After many vain attempts of the Ge

noese people to maintain the independent existence which France had guaranteed them, already, on the brink of destruction, they unanimously resolve upon the only measure left them for their preservation; they decree, in the most solemn manner, their union with the French empire, and earnestly implore the Emperor Napoleon to receive them into the number of his faithful subjects, by a deputation, the members of which were directed not to leave Milan till hey had, at least, obtained a promise of his imperial and Royal Majesty, that he would comply with their desire.- -The most urgent motives induced all the citizens of that republic to make a proposal which entirely changes their political situation. Important reasons invited France not to oppose this wish. All the naval powers could not but favour an union, which, without augmenting the continental strength of France, enables her, for the benefit of the commerce of all nations, to avenge the maritime encroachments and insults of England. It may not be amiss to consider, in various points of view, an occurrence which will soon be placed in a false light by the panegyrists of that government by whose conduct it was rendered indispensably necessary.

-The senate and people of Genoa had made various efforts to give themselves a constitution, but without success. France herself had sincerely wished that this state might preserve its rank among the powers of Europe. She had defended it during the war; she had re-conquered it from Austria; she had endeavoured in various negotiations to stipulate for its advantage; she had increased its territory, to afford it new means of prosperity, and had successively ceded to it the Imperial Fiefs, the Valley of Oneglia, Loano, Serravalle, and other districts, inclosed by its territory, which belonged to France, prevented a free communication, and were injurious to its trade. It is still fresh in the memory of every one, that France, after she had, in the 8th year of the republic, reconquered Genoa and her dependencies from the power which had taken possession of them, did not insist on those rights to which she was entitled by this event.

She

withstood the wish uttered even at that time by those who were best acquainted with the situation of their country, and rejected the proposal of an union, which would indeed have contributed more effectually to the tranquillity and security of Genoa, but which would then have appeared to be merely the effect of gratitude, and the recollection of the calamities she had endured.---Since that period, Genoa has been convinced that

her welfare is no longer compatible with her independence, and that, in consequence of. the change in the state of all Europe, she had become too weak to make head against the external attacks of armies or fleets, and to suppress internal commotions. After many years of difficulty and inquietude, she implored his Imperial and Royal Majesty, who had already undertaken to preside over the destinies of France, likewise to direct those of the Ligurian republic, and to unite all parties under a constitution better adapted to the state of the country and its old inha bitants. Genoa, accordingly, received a-government whose form and regulations were sanctioned by the experience of many centuries, and whose fundamental principles. were carefully examined and approved by the representatives of the State of Genoa, who were charged to take upon themselves that labour. But this new at empt, made with the concurrence of all, was not attend-. ed with any better success. Genoa was incapable of having either a government, a marine, foreign commerce, or internal po-. lice. She possessed not even the power to exterminate a banditti, who are still plandering a portion of her territories, and who eyen kept the inhabitants of the adjoining French departments in a continual state of alarm. From all these fruitless exertions to improve her internal situation, Genoa learned that the causes of her 'imbecillity, and the means of preventing her total aunihilation, were to be sought abroad. Genna, which subsisted entirely by commerce, has lost it in consequence of the aggrandizement of all the commercial powers. Numerous ports, which 20 years ago were scarcely known, and others which boast the peculiar protection of their respective governments, have vied with each other in diminishing the prosperity of the Port of Genda.-New maritime states were created by the late war. Venice, whose trade had fallen to decay, is now the depot of the commodities of a great empire. The same power has acquired a great extent of coast, and gives animation to the ports which nature has so richly distributed along it. The harbours in the republic of the Seven Islands will soon be of far greater importance than they were under the government of Venice. The English, now masters of India, have made Malta a new depôt for their merchandize.While this competition arose round Genoa, she beheld the remnant of her commerce exposed to the depredations of pirates, and excited the envy of England, which not only refused to consider Genoa as an independent state, but employed every possible measure