cured the passport which accompanies the other papers, under his real name. He thought this would be of service to him; and, while the letters from Imbert to Dubuc, mentioned him by the name of Michel, the cook, he entered France under his real name, after submitting his passport at Hamburgh to the inspection of the minister plenipotentiary of France.If we were to believe Laa, he never received any commission from Imbert, for Dubuc; he saw no emigrant during his last residence in London; and he is not the person mentioned by the name of Michel, the cook, in the letters of Imbert to Dubuc. But the following facts directly contradict these denials: 1. Laa acknowledges that he left England on the 11th of May; and this date perfectly corresponds to that of the departure of the emissary Michel, announced by Imbert's letter of the 15th May. 2. It was precisely during the four days in which Laa remained at Paris, that the phial of ink, of which Michel was said to be the bearer, was delivered at the very house to which Michel, according to the direction of Imbert, was to carry it. This phial is in the possession of the police. Lastly comes a fact calculated to remove every doubt, it is acknowledged by Laa, that at the time of his first journey (January 3, 1804) he returned to France by Morlaix, under the false character of a prisoner of war in the English vessel, the Friends' Goodwill. Now it has been ascertained in the offices of the marine, that the flag of truce the Friends' Goodwill, landed at Morlaix, on the 3d of January, eighteen prisoners; sixteen of these were known to belong to the suite of the Generals Noguez and Morgan, and were acknowledged by them; the 17th was discovered to be the lieutenant of a privateer. The name of the eighteenth prisoner was Andre Michel, the cook, returning to Bayonne, and Laa has confessed, in his interrogatories, that it was he who was landed by that name, and in the quality of a cook, by this flag of truce; therefore, the same assumed name, the same profession, prove altogether to a demonstration, that Michel, the cook, mentioned by Imbert, who left England on the 11th of May, to carry to Dubuc a phial of ink, letters, and a memoir, to obtain details from him, and to carry back those details to England, is Andre Laa. DISCUSSION. The identity thus proved, constitutes the culpability of Andre Laa. And if the sentence which condemned Dubuc and Rossolin, if the instruction which preceded the sentence, the confession of the accused, and the letters seized before and after the sentence, did not completely prove a strongly characterised crime of espionage, it would be sufficient to accuse Andre Laa of being a spy for the enemy; from the confessions he has been obliged to make, from his travels, from the false names he has assumed, and in the method chosen by the English government to land Laa on our coasts: in such an abuse of a flag of truce, will be recognised, independent of any other proof the mission of espionage given by the English government to Andre Laa.Having left Morlaix, with a passport, granted under the false name of Michel, Laa arrived in his native country, under that name procures a passport for Spain, and after collecting information relative to the state of all the coast from Morlaix to Corunna, he returns to England to give an account of his mission. In a few months, we once more see him leaving England, and returning to France by way of Hamburgh. These facts alone, I repeat it, independant of every other circumstance, constitute him a spy.If these facts be added to those stated in the charge delivered before judgment was pronounced against Dubuc and Rossolin, the evidence is complete. By their trial, by the sentence by which it was terminated, it has been proved that Dubuc and Rossolin were spies of England; a letter, posterior to the sentence, demonstrates this day that these two spies were real assassins charged to act over again the part of Georges and Pichegru, and paid, like Georges and Pichegru, by the English government. It is to these two assassins, that their immediate chief dişpatches an emissary, charged to demand intelligence of them, to carry them memorials, and new means of continuing their espionage in security. This emissary is denominated Michel, and it is proved that this Michel is Andre Laa-he arrives at Paris the day fol lowing that on which sentence was passed on his accomplices, and is ignorant of their apprehension. He addresses to them the letters and the phial delivered to him for them -the sentence pronounced against them strikes him aghast-he sees all the danger of his situation-he remains at Paris no longer than till he can procure a place in the diligence-he flies, but is soon overtaken. This crime, and his being an accomplice, are proved by facts; and, from his own confessions, I conclude that the accused Laa must be declared guilty of being a spy for the enemy. (Signed) J. B. BORREL.-Here follows the sentence of death, with all the formalities, which are totally uninteresting. (Signed) THUILLIER, JAMIN, DELEST, CRASSERAUX, J. B. BORREL, GOUGET, H. CHARLOT. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall. VOL. VIII. No. 10.] LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1805. [PRICE 100. "They" [the rulers of France] " have publicly a ked pardon of God and man, and have done every thing they can to revert to the ancient established principles of government; and, their measures, in every point I have been able to view them, have that tendency. It is, therefore, an important consideration, "how far it would be prudent in this country to drive them again to revolutionary measures,"LORD HAWKESBURY'S SPEECH, 7th May, 1802. 353] SUMMARY OF FOLITICS, CONTINENTAL COALITION.The motto to the present Number recals the reader's attention to the time when Lord Hawkesbury and his colleagues were engaged in a defence of the public character and conduct of their common patron and prompter, Mr. Pitt. A motion had been made for censuring him, at least, by implication; whereupon that most important personage, Lord Belgrave, moved the thanks of the House of Commons to him for his conduct during his long administration, and particularly during the late war with France, which, his lordship stated, had been just then most happily and gloriously concluded, and all by means of the great wisdom, integrity, and disiųterestedness of his Right Honourable Friend. To show the impropriety of this motion, Mr. Grey and others, entered into an examination of the then state of things, compared with that which Mr. Pitt had constantly promised, the nation he would produce, before he made peace with France; and, amongst other things, it was observed, that the House of Bourbon was banished from France, and that the French government was, in its principle, still such as it had been during the whole time that Mr. Pitt had been at war against it. This drew from Lord Hawkesbury an assertion, that to restore the House of Bourbon had never been a principal object of the war; and, after an intervening sentence or two of verbosity, he came to the passage which has been now selected for a motto, and which it is certainly worth while to compare with the doctrine now held forth by the ministerial prints, particularly the Sux, relative to a war against the person of Buonaparte; or, in other words, a war for the purpose of effecting a Counter-revolution in France. When the reader has referred to the debate here spoken of, and has taken time to reflect on the declarations made by Mr. Pitt and his placefillers at the time of the peace, his attention is requested to an article from the SUN of the 31st alio, which he will perceive to be a continuation of those that were noticed in the preceding sheet, p. 240, and the object 1 [354 of the whole of which articles he will find very little difficulty in discovering. "Ac"cording to reports in the diplomatic circles 66 on the Continent that are not influenced "by a dread of France, the preparations 66 66 66 now making, not against that country, "but against its vile Usarper, and the great "disturber of mankind, are of the most formidable description, and such as may well appal the tyrant, and make him tremble at the consequences. These reports state, "that three hundred and fifty thousand Austrians, two hundred and fifty thousand Russians, and forty thousand Swedes, are ready to commence operations Of these "armies, it is said, that one hundred thousand Austrians, and an equal number of Russians, are to be employed on the Rhine; two hundred thousand Austrians. "and sixty thousand Russians in Italy and Switzerland. The forty thousand Swedes "and an equal number of Russians are said to be destined to re-take Hanover; and, according to the same reports, a British army will at the same time make an attack ou Holland, where they are not likely to have any but French to oppose them, "as the Dutch have suffered too much up"der their oppressors to be likely to assist "in their cause, and, in fact, to oppose "their own deliverance. If we were to "credit other continental rumours, which 66 66 . [356 Napoleon has partly arisen from the latter having assumed the title of Emperor; and, conjecture, that Mr. Pitt, with a view of obthis circumstance renders more probable the "that a large body of Russians and other troops are to attempt some vulnerable part of France, headed by a Bourbon Prince, in the name of Louis XVIII. the rightful King of France, the ally of Eng-taining allies upon the Continent, and there"land, Russia, Austria, Sweden, and Tur- by securing a subject upon which to vaunt at key, against the Usurper of his throne and the opening of parliament, has been com"the oppressor of his subjects. His most "Christian Majesty, it is also confidently against the person of Buonaparte, But, afpelled to give into the project of a war "said, is to be furnished with the means of raising a formidable army, and that he is ter all, would there be any reason for suric to issue a proclamation to inform his subprise, if we should, at last, find, that he himjects that their deliverance approaches, if the means of dividing the opinions, and of self had chosen this plan, as likely to afford they are willing to be rescued from dis"grace, misery, and despotism."How- however, this be his design, the scheme will course, the votes, of the Opposition? If, ever wild this is, and however contemptible certainly fail; for, if he could persuade those the vehicle, through which it is conveyed to the public, it is well worthy of our attention, stands, both as to right and to expediency, of the Burke school, that the case now seeing that it certainly comes from those, to whose hands, unfortunately for us, the majust as it stood in 1794, when we had made nagement of our affairs is committed. The no acknowledgments whatever, when there public do not know, but, upon occasions like was a well-known division amongst the peothis, they ought to be informed, that the osple of France, and when there was actually tensible proprietor, or conductor, of the SUN embodied a powerful army of Royalists newspaper never thinks of inserting an artihaving exclusive possession of a considerable cle upon a subject of this kind, unless he repart of the kingdom: if he could persuade ceives it from the Treasury, whither he goes them to this, could he, after the woeful exfor orders, as regularly as a letter-carrier perience they have had of him, possibly pergoes to the Post-Office. This is no exaggesuade them again to trust the cause in hands ration at all. It is a plain statement of a like his? When he had, by his manage fact well-known to every person in London ment of the war, reduced the nation to such connected with the press. By way of cena state, both of means and of mind, as to suring this intercourse the fact is not menmake them, with voice almost unanimous, tioned here; but, for the purpose of the bethail as a blessing, the disgraceful, the ignoter enabling the reader to judge of the prominious, peace of Amiens; then, indeed, in bable views of the "heaven-born" minister the defence of that peace, and to gloss over and his colleagues. It must, however, not his miserable failure in the war, he said: be concluded, that a plan of warfare, such as "there were times, during the war, in is described in the SUN, is the plan fixed on "which the government hoped to be able to by Mr. Pitt; for, he has fixed on nothing, "drive France within her ancient limits, and he will fix on nothing. The articles in "and even to make barriers against her fuhis prints ought, rather, to be regarded as "ture incursions; but, in this we were dismere suggestions, thrown out for the purpose "appointed; it became, then, necessary, of feeling the pulse of the nation; for the "with the change of circumstances, to purpose of obtaining a knowledge as to what change our objects; for, I do not know a course will be most likely to be popular, or more fatal error, than to look only at one the least likely to excite great unpopulaobject, and obstinately to pursue it, when rity, and to expose the place of the minister "the hope of accomplishing it no longer reto danger. Seeing, however, that a plan, "mains." And what was this new object? such as is suggested by the SUN, has in it "indemnity for the past and security for the something specific, at least, and, for that "future." And this object, he assured us, reason, by no means likely to be selected by was obtained. "An honourable and secure Mr. Pitt, it is probable, that he finds himself likely to be forced into it, by the will of some one of the parties to the alliance, either abroad or at home. If so, the efforts of his writers are quite natural; though, it must, one would think, appear pretty evident to him, that these efforts will fail of success. It has before been shown, that, to all appear anes, the quarrel between Alexander and peace," said he, "has now been obtain"ed." He told us, that he had destroyed the monster that once threatened our existence; and his "noble friend," Lord Belgrave, bade us, now that we had escaped "the dangers of the storm, look back upon "the subsiding waves with emotions of "calm delight and unspeakable satisfac❝tion." Turn your eyes," said on your present happy situation, or he, 36 * the vessel of state, having now westhored "the storm, riding in triumph and security in her native port; and, then say, whether some credit is not due to him, who "has steered her uninjured through a sea so "threatening, so awiul, and so tempest66. uous.** This sublime passage, upon which Mr. Canning's pilot was a paraphrase, was admirably accommodated to the times when it was uttered; but, together with the birth-day celebration, both have long since become subjects of something very different from admiration. The objects of the war were, however, thus got over for a while; there were not wanting men to assert, that Mr. Pitt had completely obtained the objects which he had always professed to have in view, and this assertion they had the profligate impudence to make, and to repeat, in the face of his recorded declarations and promises. "We are," said he, in his speech of the 7th of June, 1799, "in circumstances "which forbid us to stop short, of an ade 66 prejudiced by her falsehoods, I am sure they will approve of the determination I "have avowed, and, for those grave and "mature reasons, on which I found it." This, then, was his avowed object in the war. Avowed, too, less than two years before he assisted in the negotiation of the preliminaries of the peace of Amiens, begun on our side, and with a French Commnissary of Prisoners; such was cur haste to restore "to Europe her settled and balanced constitution of general polity!" Was the objects above-described, obtained by the porce of Amiens? Need I ask whether any part of it was obtained? Whether we obtained an adequate, full, and rational security ?" Whether the balance of Europe was restored? Whether we did not leave France, "dwelling with savage delight on the hum"bled, prostrate condition of some" [nay, some half-dozen]" timid, suppliant na"tions?" Let it be well remembered, that this declaration, this solemn promise, was made only about one-and-twenty months be fore the first overture was made to Mr. Otto, which overture led to a peace, which peace was, by all the adherents of Mr. Pitt, justified upon the ground of the " necessity of "husbanding our resources!" Where, theta, shall we look for the truth of that assertion, by which we were led to believe, that "the war could be carried on for any length of "time without the creation of new debt?" Where, for that of the assurance, that "it "would be by no means difficult to find "taxes for eight years? And, whore, for the grounds of future reliance, upon the calculations and promises of this minister? We have, in this avowal of Mr. Pitt's a test of his knowledge, his foresight, his wisdom as a statesman, and particularly as a financier. In June, 1799, he tells the besotted nation, that he can continue the war for any length of time without the creation of new debt." Early the next year, 1800, he creates new debt, to the amount of 20 millions sterling (leaving out the parts of a million); early in 1801, he creates more `new debt, to the amount of 27 millions sterling; and, in 1902, by way of a winder-up of the war, his place-holder creates more new debt, to the amount of 20 millions; and thus, the war, which might be carried on" for any length of time without the "creation of new debt," causes him to create, in the next three years, new debt amounting to upwards of 3 millions sterling! And, even after this, and the thou sands of other glaring proots of the same sort, you hear his pensioned or place-hunting adherents calling him “the first finan"cier in the world" or, at least, you heard them; for, now, it was the confessed that they do, upon that topic, hold their tongues. 66 In the calculations, in the professions, in the declarations, in the promises, of such a minister, who can place any confidence ? And yet, you shall see, that, if he should adopt something like the course pointed out by the Sux newspaper, and should treat the parliament with a repetition, though in the very same words, of his old professions about checking the ambition of France," the " deliverance of Europe," indes 66 nity for the past and security for the "future," and the like, his adherents will affect astonishment at seeing him opposed by those, who, like myself, formerly endenvoured to support him! The influence of this race of politicians is, however, fast drawing to a close. Thanks to the Tenth Report, the lacker is nearly all rubbed off from the heaven-born" minister and his set, and the real quality of the metal is now perceivable to even the dullest eyes.--I should here have entered upon some further remarks upon the expectations, which appear to be founded upon the discontents, or imaginary discontents, existing against Buonaparté in France; but, just as I had proceeded thus far the Sun of the 3d instant reached ine, containing another article upon the same subject, and which article, however unworthy of notice in itself, is, for the reasons before-mentioned, entitled to the serious consideration of the public. Before I insert it, it is necessary to observe, that the letter, to which it professes to be an answer, appeared in the Morning Chronicle of the 2d instant, under the signature of FABIUS. Some of the arguments in that letter had been, as the reader will perceive, before advanced in the Political Register; but, if he has the means of coming at the letter itself, he will find the whole of it well worth his perusal.-When I have inserted this new article, I shall offer a few remarks upon the particular point above-mentioned. I must beg leave to press the subject upon the attention of every one, into whose hands this sheet may happen to fall; for, to me it appears evident, that, if we proceed, if we build our hopes upon discontents in France, or, upon being able to stir up discontents in that country, we are fallen never again to rise. And, yet, it will be clearly perceived, that, as far as a judg ment can be formed from the language of the ministerial prints, such is the foundation, upon which we are to build. "The rumoured intention on the part of the allied powers of directing the war person"ally against the Usurper of France has "drawn forth a long article from a writer in the chief opposition paper of yesterday, "in which he seems to condemn such a measure as impolitic and impracticable. "But a due consideration of the subject will 66 shew that it is both politic and practica"ble. The French, as a people, have not provoked the other powers of Europe by insult or injury. All the insults and injuries which those powers have received have been the result of Buonaparte's irascible temper and his insatiable ambition. "He has been treated with as the head of tary force. Instead of conducting him"self with grateful moderation for this con"descension on the part of other states; he "has intruded upon their territories and seized them, one after another, upon those pretexts to which force, artifice, and ty ranny always resort. All the forbearance of other states, too strong to fall "within his grasp, has only augmented his pride and injustice, and he tramples upon "the very people whom he professes to "have rescued from slavery; though they "endure it to a much greater degree than they ever suffered under the most arbitrary of their rightful Sovereigns. Where "then is the impolicy of appealing to the people who are thus oppressed, against a tyrant who drags them into a war which arose from his own bad passions, and "which those passions threaten to contiune as long as he is permitted to enjoy the power which he so wickedly abuses?→→→→ "But it is asked, in what manner are the people of France to testify their detestation "of Buonaparté? That they feel a strong "detestation against their tyrant nobody " doubts, and though it would be difficult to throw off the yoke, while he has so powerful an army, yet it can hardly be doubted that the army partakes in a great degree of the general feeling of Frenchmen, and as they will be the chief sufferers by new wars, resulting from his ambition, they might be ready to aid the expression of the general will, if an appeal "to the people of France against their oppressor seemed to make a strong impres "sion on them. Buonaparte's host of ge 66 66 they were once to find the troops begin ning to waver, and the general feelings of "Frenchmen averse to their disgraceful bondage. How far Frenchmen in gene"ral might be inclined to return to their allegiance to their rightful Monarch is ano"ther question; but after all their disappointments, sufferings, and horrors, on "what could they be expected to look for repose so securely as in the bosom of legitimate authority? The transfer of property which has taken place since the revolution would be but a subordinate impediment to the return of that authority, when opposed to the wishes of the great |