Philip III., a weak prince, succeeded Philip II. in the year 1598, and with his minister, the odious and feeble Duke of Lerma, saw, in the territories which within half a century had rendered the Spanish name so imposing, so many depopulated regions, or scenes of successful revolt, of disorganization, indolence, and discontent. Throughout the dominions of the House of Austria (for such was the designation given to the power of Spain and of the German emperors) there were the signs of a state which "decayeth and waxeth old." But such was the impression which that power had once made, that men, even the shrewdest, were far from being duly observant of these changes. Hence, though France had in fact become sufficiently powerful to preserve the balance of influence in European affairs, the leading object of its policy continued to be, to assist the United Provinces in their struggle for independence, and to unite as many of the states of Europe as possible, either secretly or openly, in the old enterprise of humbling the pride and authority of Spain. James assured the Duke of Sully of his concurrence with this policy, so far at least as to render secret aid to the Hollanders. But we shall presently find, that whatever the English monarch promised on the subject of war, ended in his acting (often, no doubt, to the great benefit of his subjects) on the maxims of peace; and that one of the foibles which involved him in difficulty to the end of his reign, was his vulgar estimate of Spanish greatness, and the deference which, as a vain man, he was disposed to render to it.

Peace concluded with Spain.

Sully had no sooner withdrawn from the English court, than James began to listen to overtures from Spain, and a peace was concluded with that power, which showed the king's great want of capacity with respect to such questions. Sir Charles Cornwallis was dispatched as ambassador to Madrid, where he found the short-sighted conduct of the English monarch the topic of general astonishment. "By these collections," he writes, "that I have made, and the relations of others well practised in this state, I find that England never lost such an opportunity of winning honour and wealth, as by relinquishing the war with Spain *."

The condition of the Protestant religion on the continent, at this

Winwood, ii. 1-7, 28, 75, 84, 229, 230. Somers' Tracts, i. 410-421. Sully's Memoirs, passim. The rumours of the time attributed this peace to the influence of Spanish gold over certain of the English ministers. Winwood, ii. 25, 26. Elizabeth was not insensible, towards the close of her reign, as to the decline of the Spanish power, and Henry IV. saw it still more clearly; but the queen was restrained by her constant fear of expense, and Henry by a variety of considerations. Beaumont's Despatches, May, June, and August, 1602, and May 27, July 12, 1605. Raumer, ii. 180, 184. As to the influence of money in deciding negotiations at this juncture, it appears that even the queen was an expectant of such inducements to the exertion of her influence. "The queen complains that she obtains no more money; I suggest to your majesty, in confidence, to supply her in secret." Beaumont, August, 1603. Henry did not deem it prudent to follow this advice, and whether from this cause or not, her majesty made no scruple of avowing her hostility to France, and her wish to serve Spain. Ibid. May, June, 1604,

period, was one of much difficulty and danger. In Denmark, Sweden and some lesser states, it was almost uncontrolled; in State of ProGermany, and Switzerland, it prevailed, but less generally. testantism in In Holland, it had called into existence the United Pro-Europe. vinces, and continued to live, only as the long and perilous warfare in which those provinces were engaged was crowned with success. In France it was the religion of a large and powerful minority; but still a minority, and one which was to be crushed, and almost destroyed before the close of the present century. The superiority of numbers accordingly was still with the professors of the Catholic faith; and if industry, commerce, enterprise, and devotedness to their common interest, were with the disciples of the reformed doctrine, their safety depended much less on their own strength, than on the rivalry of the two great Catholic powers, Spain and France.

spirit and con

duct of the

house of

Stuart.

A little reflection on this general state of affairs, will suffice to show its probable effect on the temper and maxims of such Effect of the princes as James I. and his successor. In the sovereigns ecclesiastical and political of Europe with whom they would claim equality they saw condition of monarchs who governed large kingdoms without the in- Europe on the tervention of any popular legislature. In Spain nothing of the kind had existed for some generations; in France the shadow that remained was about wholly to disappear, until it should be summoned as from the tomb in 1789. The princes in those countries, if they were checked at all in the exercise of their large powers, were restrained by nobles only, or by that class of their subjects who, in learning to question the authority of popes, began to see it important and just that certain limits should be imposed on that of kings. There was accordingly much room to fear lest parliaments should be looked upon as a needless, and, in fact, as a degrading restraint on monarchy *. There was much room also to fear that if the reformed doctrine should be retained at all, it would be in a shape more in agreement with the popery than with the protestantism of the continent. Not to be quite as uncontrolled as their brethren of Spain and France, was almost sure to be regarded by minds like those of James and Charles as a mark of inferiority-and as so much wanting with respect to their proper dignity as independent, or, as James would have expressed it, absolute sovereigns. These facts have not been sufficiently considered by our historians. The theory of James I., which is so commonly said to have ruined his descendants, was taken in great part from the practice of the powerful monarchies of the continent,

"James said to me,-Your majesty (Henry IV.) and he were absolute monarchs in their dominions, and in no respect dependant on the councils or consent of their subjects." Beaumont, May, 1603. Raumer, ii. 197. James added, that for a cen tury at least two such kings had not been given to the world. Ibid. 199.

and was all along nourished from that quarter. The Stuart princes were not Englishmen. They rarely looked abroad without becoming disgusted with home*.

CHAPTER II.

Court intrigues-Markham's Plot to seize the King's person-the Conspirators apprehended-Trials of Cobham, Grey, and Raleigh-Petition of the PuritansConduct of the Universities-Conference at Hampton Court-its effect.

JAMES became aware within a few months after his accession, and before the ceremony of his coronation had been performed, Raleigh plot. that his subjects were not so awed by his presence or his claims as to be deterred from entering into conspiracies against him. The Earl of Northumberland and Sir Walter Raleigh were not ignorant of having a vigilant and powerful adversary in Cecil, and as the conduct of his party was such as to make them daily feel the effects of his enmity, they soon began to meditate revenge. Raleigh was in frequent intercourse with Lord Cobham, a weak man, who was too willing to engage in designs the extent or danger of which he was not often likely to comprehend. The first attempt of these persons was in offering their services to the king of France. What was the nature, or what the extent, of the services proposed is unknown. The scheme probably embraced nothing more than the exercise of their influence with a view to the interests of France at the English court, and in this manner they might hope to displace individuals who were most opposed to their own advancementt. The French monarch declined the doubtful aid thus proffered to him, and it does not appear that Northumberland proceeded further. But it is said that Cobham now made a similar offer to the court of Spain, and Raleigh, who was accused of being privy to this overture, probably hoped to obtain a sum of money as the price of his political services; and thus far any courtier of the time would have proceeded without any apprehension of danger or disgrace. He was accused indeed of meaning to set up the claim of

"The king fears the dangers arising from them (the Spaniards) more than those which may come from his people, whom he at once hates and despises." Letter of Count Tillieres, March, 1624. Raumer, ii. 286.

"It is said that Cecil is doubtful as to his position, finding the king partly better informed, partly more obstinate than he thought. Cobham calls Cecil no other than traitor. Raleigh is hated throughout the kingdom. The new queen is enterprising, and affairs are embroiled. I will not conceal from you, that I have acquaintances and intelligences enough to enable me to sow and cultivate dissensions, so far as your majesty may intrust me to do so." Beaumont, May, 1603.

Arabella Stuart in opposition to that of James, but this absurd charge may be safely regarded as an invention of his enemies*.

While these intrigues were in progress, an enterprise of a graver description was devised. It contemplated the seizure Markham's of the king's person, with a view to the removal of certain plot to seize of his ministers, and the accomplishment of some im- the person of the king. portant changes in the complexion of the government. This scheme originated with Sir Griffin Markham, and George Brooke, the brother of Lord Cobham, persons without means themselves, but who looked both to Catholics and Puritans as hopeful auxiliaries, aware that both these parties had much reason to be dissatisfied with the present appearance of things, and concluding that however much they might be at issue on other points, they would not be unwilling to act together for a redress of their common grievances. Watson and Clarke, two Catholic priests, readily entered into the design, as did Anthony Copley, Sir Edward Parham, and Lord Grey. The last was a young nobleman of unusual courage and ability, who is supposed to have made himself obnoxious to the court by the zeal with which he favoured the views of the Puritans. It was to have been expected that an undertaking of so little promise would not be long entertained, and that a party made up of such opposite elements would soon be disunited. It happened accordingly that when the crisis of the enterprise arrived it was abandoned as hopeless.

op

The conspirators appre

hended.

conspirator

Cecil, who had been apprized of these proceedings by the Jesuit faction among the English Catholics, regretted this abrupt termination of them, as the easier method of crushing his ponents would have been to have seized them in the act of treason. But enough was ascertained to call for the exercise of his authority. Anthony Copley was the first secured, and his confession led to the immediate apprehension of his accomplices. Northumberland and Raleigh were also summoned to appear before the council. But as neither of these were parties to Markham's plot, the attempt to implicate them failed, and they were dismissed. Raleigh however could not forbear writing to Lord Cobham,

* Nugæ Antiquæ, i. 340. Birch's Memoirs, ii. 514. Cayley's Life of Raleigh, passim. Sully's Memoirs. Criminal Trials, vol. i., in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge, pp. 393-398. Raleigh and Cobham were charged with a design to kill the king, as a preliminary to the advancement of Arabella to the throne, but both these imputed objects were supported by evidence of too vague and uncertain a description to be entitled to credit." James was accustomed to speak of the ill-fated Earl of Essex as a martyr to his cause, and of the principal enemies of that nobleman, viz. Northumberland, Cobham, Raleigh, and Cecil, the last only was able to overcome the resentment of the new sovereign. Cobham and Raleigh were informed that they were not to approach the royal presence. Cecil spared no pains to depress his old associates, and to raise himself at their expense. Howard, one of his active partizans, assured James that the three individuals first-named were "persons of no principles in morals or religion, calling them a triplicity that deny the Trinity."

lbid.

to place him on his guard; his letter was intercepted, and he deemed it prudent to confess that Cobham had sought and obtained some private conferences with Aremberg, the minister of the archduke. When the confession was reported to Cobham, he regarded it as an act of treachery, and indignantly exclaimed, that whatever he had done of that nature had been at the instigation of his accuser. In this manner these persons became evidences against each other, and both were committed to the Tower*.

There was enough in the confessions of several who were engaged in Markham's plot to render their condemnation unavoidable. Sir Edward Parham urged that his only share in the conspiracy consisted in a pledge to rescue the king from a threatened captivity, which he maintained could not amount to treason, and his ingenuity procured his acquittal.

Trial of Cobham and Grey.

The Lords Grey and Cobham were reserved to be judged by their peers. Of the latter it is related, that never was seen so abject and poor a spirit" as was betrayed by him on this occasion. He sought his life by repeating the meanest entreaties, making a merit of the confessions by which he had convicted himself, and implicated his friends. "Grey, quite in another key," says a contemporary, "began with great assurance and alacrity; spake a long and eloquent speech, first to the lords and then to the judges, and lastly to the king's counsel, and told them each of their charges, and spake effectually for himself. He held them the whole day, from eight in the morning till eight at night, in subtle traverses and scapes; but the evidence was too conspicuous, both by Brooke's and Markham's confessions, that he was acquainted with the intended surprise. Yet the lords were long ere they could all agree, and loth to come out with so hard a censure against him; for though he had some heavy enemies (as his old antagonist, Southampton, who was mute before his face, but spake very unnobly against him), yet most of them strove with themselves, and would fain, as it seemed, have dispensed with their consciences to have showed him favour. At the pronouncing of the opinion of the lords, and the demand whether he had any thing to say why sentence of death should not be given against him, these only were his words: 'I have nothing to say;' there he paused long; and yet a word of Tacitus comes in my mind,-Non eadem omnibus decora; the house of the Wiltons have spent many lives in their prince's service, and Grey cannot beg his.'

"After sentence given, he only desired to have one Travers, a divine,

"Cobham's conspiracy gives the king uncommon anxiety, but still more labour and vexation to Cecil. I recognize so many seeds of unsoundness in England, so much is brewing in silence, and so many events appear to be inscrutable, as to induce me to maintain that for a hundred years to come this kingdom will hardly misuse its prosperity to any other purpose than its own injury." Beaumont, August 13, 16, 21, 1003, Winwood, ii. 8.