ernment become more apparent, and it is evident there is an irreconcilable division in that body. Dupont (de l'Eure) the nominal President of the Council, is a man very far advanced in life, and in the government a mere cipher. The real men of action are, on one side, Lamartine, with Marrast and others, whose views appear to lean towards moderation; and on the other, Ledru Rollin, Flocon, Louis Blanc and Albert, (for effect designated "ouvrier,") who are endeavoring to force the nation to adopt the insane and debasing doctrines of the Communists. Ledru Rollin, as Minister of the Interior, has sent out his Commissioners to the Provinces, with unlimited powers-their first duty being to control the elections for the National Assembly. Their acts have, in many instances, been such as could not be outdone by any government, however despotic. The rights of private property appear to have been entirely banished from the minds of those functionaries. At Lyons, M. Etienne Arago has forbidden any person to leave the city with more than 500 francs, without his permission. At Blois, M. Gouache promulgated his decree, 1. To establish a Bank of discount; 2. Forbidding the existing banks from paying to the owners any money deposited with them, except so much as the depositors may think proper to invest in his bank of discouut; and 3. Postponing the payment of all debts until the 15th of May. Some of the Commissioners have been driven from their posts, and could only be reinstated by military force. It is said that the violence of Ledru Rollin at the Council Board, has been productive of scenes of a most undignified character, and that his turbulence has more than once been checked by the personal courage of his more moderate colleagues. Louis Blanc, in the Introduction to his "Ten Years' History," divides the nation into the bourgeoisie and the people, (page 18, note:) "By bourgeoisie, I mean the whole body of citizens, who, possessing implements of labor, or capital, work with means of their own, and are not dependent on others, except to a certain extent. The people is the whole body of citizens, who, not possessing capital, depend completely on others, and that in what regards the prime necessaries of life." The Revolution of 1830, says the Rollin and Blanc faction, was the work of the bourgeoisie, who reaped all the benefits; the present was accomplished by the people, and (to use the words of Secretary Marcy)" to the victors belong the spoils." Upon which of these parties shall have a preponderance in the National Assembly, seems to depend the question, whether a Republic can be established, or whether the present movement is to be productive of anarchy and its fearful consequences. The Communist party, courting the people, according to Louis Blanc's definition of the word, have already evinced a disposition to avail themselves of physical demonstrations to carry out

their views. Many thousands in Paris are out of employment, for whom it is impossible for the government to provide. Ledru Rollin is said to be arranging a plan by which these unfortunate people are to be formed into a garde mobile and removed to the frontiers, for the double purpose of getting rid of them from Paris, and forming a force to counterbalance the conservative feeling supposed to exist in the army and elsewhere. On the evening of the 15th of April, a stormy meeting of the Provisional Government took place; Ledru Rollin, who was particularly energetic, was opposed by Marrast, who declared it was the firm determination of the more moderate party to respond to the general wishes of the nation, and proceed with moderation, as otherwise nothing but civil war and bloodshed could ensue. A violent scene took place, and at the instigation of the Rollin party, an immense meeting was held on the following day, at the Champ de Mars, and the persons present were marshalled under distinct leaders, and marched in columns of ten deep to the Hotel de Ville. The beat of the rappel had called out the National Guard, who appeared in overwhelming force, and evinced the best possible disposition towards the moderate portion of the government. They occupied the whole square of the Hotel de Ville and the surrounding buildings, and when the procession appeared it was saluted on all sides with cries of "a bas les communistes," "a bas Blanqui,” “a bas Cabet,” “ Vive le Gouvernement Provisoire." A deputation consisting of Cabet, Blanqui and others, were allowed access, and were received by M. Lamartine only. Cabet who was spokesman for the party, began by declaring that the Provisional Government "had betrayed the cause of the people," and that it was necessary that it should be at once reconstituted. He then presented to Lamartine a list of those who should form the Provisional Government, (the principal names being those of Ledru Rollin, Cabet, Blanqui, Louis Blanc, Flocon, Raspail, Albert, and one or two more of the ultra Democratic party,) and declared that if it were not accepted, they would march against the Hotel de Ville and obtain it by force. With this he retired, and the meeting quietly dispersed. The following day, however, the attempt was, to some extent, renewed, but with a similar result.

66

sands are out of work, and immense numbers of shops closed: the government is still obliged to dispense nearly $25,000 daily, in giving work to the unemployed in Paris alone-work which unfortunately is unproductive and almost worse than useless.

French people will not consent to render that mission incompatible with the order and calm necessary for the deliberations of the constituent body. Paris regards itself, with just reason, as the representative of all the population of the national territory.

Funded property, Bank shares, Railways, six lines,

66

eleven lines,

fr. 3,285,793,811

146,680,000

205,252,500 110,632,500

'Total, fr. 3,748,358,811 And it is supposed that an addition of 1,000,000,000 fr. may be added, for loss on other securities, such as canals, bonds, mines, gas, insurances, &c.; the greater part of which had not been quoted for six weeks previous to 12th March. The six railway lines at the first date were at a premium: the eleven were then below par; their depreciation then amounted to 143,347,509 fr. which makes the total loss on railways 459,232,500 fr. The government has started a project of taking possession of the railways, giving 5 per cent. stock to the shareholders for the purchase money at the average value for six months before February last. Many of the laws, or decrees, which have been made, appear wholly inconsistent with the fact that the present government is merely provisionary, and is to surrender all power to the National Assembly, which has already (June) met. Among the most striking of this class is one which abolishes the duty on salt from the 1st Jan. 1849, authorizing the importation of foreign salt from that date and imposing duties thereon. It appears from returns, that there are in France over 5,000,000 landed proprietors; 213,168 stockholders; 38,305 owners of annuities; 154,875 pensioners of the state; 104,325 individuals holding offices requiring security; and 627,830 individuals paid by the government. On the 15th of April Ledru Rollin, as Minister of the Interior, published a proclamation of the most menacing character, in case of the elections of the provinces not according with the views of Paris, in which he says:

"The elections, if they do not produce the triumph of social truth-if they are the expression of the interest of a caste-the elections, which ought to be the safety of the Republic, will be, beyond a doubt, its destruction.

"In that case there would be but one way of safety for the people who made the barricades; -to manifest a second time its will, and to adjourn the decision of a false national representation! Can it be that France could wish to force Paris to have recourse to this extreme, this deplorable remedy? God forbid! But no, France has confided to Paris a great mission, and the

the moral forces of France: Paris will not separate its cause from that of the people, which suffers, waits, and raises its voice from one extremity of the country to the other. If anarchy works afar off, if social influences pervert the judgment or betray the will of the masses dispersed or misled by distance, the people of Paris believes itself, and declares itself to be conjointly responsible for the interests of the whole nation. On some points wealth claims its pri vileges, and menaces us with the affliction of being obliged to conquer, when we should have wished only to persuade."

The election of members for the National Assembly on Sunday, 23d April, and the following day, went off quietly in Paris, although serious apprehensions were entertained of a coup de main. An attempt was made to seize the ballot box in one arrondissement, but the affair was discovered early enough to be prevented. The scrutiny of the votes took place on the 28th. Lamartine had by far the greatest number: the moderates have received the most votes; and Ledru Rollin, Louis Blanc, Flocon and Albert, are very low down on the list. Above one-third of the electors in Paris have not voted; and the ouvriers especially have shown very little anxiety to take part; whether from indifference or discontent, or from having some scheme in view, is not known. There are grave charges of fraud in the elections; numbers are said to have given several votes, and that electoral "tickets" have been sold by those who obtained them. Ledru Rollin sent one of his commissioners with unlimited powers to Algeria, which is exclusively under the Minister of War. Gen. Cavaignac refused to receive him, when he raised a mob and exhibited a cap of liberty, which was speedily trampled on by the National Guard and the respectable citizens. The Governor threatened to ship him off, and sent a complaint to the war department, when Ledru Rollin was obliged to cancel the appointment. The government have issued an order for the dispersion of the Germans congregated in great numbers on the eastern frontier of France. This measure and the result of the elections has created a rise of about three per cent. in the prices of French funds. The specie in the Bank of France is considerably diminished.

The King of Prussia, immediately after being compelled by his own subjects to make large popular concessions, and whilst his throne was by no means in a stable condition, embarked in two projects which are likely to cause much trouble. One of his first acts was

Silliman's American Journal of Science and Arts. Edited by B. SILLIMAN, B. SILLIMAN, Jr., and JAMES D. DANA. New Haven: May 1, 1848.

This is the fifteenth number of the Second Series of this important periodical. The contents are as follows:-A Review of the Annual Report of the U. S. Survey: this article has been copied into the National Intelligencer for May 17, and occupies three columns of that paper. A paper on Philosophical Induction, by Samuel Tyler: whether Science can proceed altogether without the aid of “thinking,' is at least doubtful; Mr. Tyler seems to think not, else he would not have been at the trouble to write this article. An article by Samuel S. Haldeman, an excellent and accurate naturalist, on the identity of two very curious and doubtless interesting animals. Letter on Philosophical Analogy; containing some new views. A description of two new minerals, by J. Lawrence Smith. Analysis of Meteoric Iron that fell in Bohemia, by Ă. Duflos and N. W. Fischer. Explanations of various electrical phenomena by the undulatory hypothesis, by Professor Hare, of Philadelphia: Professor Hare is evidently of the same mind with Mr. Tyler. Description of a mass of Meteoric Iron, discovered near Murfreesboro, Tenn., by Professor G. Troost: a bit of information judicious and brief. A Greek naturalist would have filled fifty pages with what is here packed into one. Parallelism of the older rocky strata (“Palæozoic formations") of North America with those of Europe. On Halley's Comet, by Professor Loomis, of New York. A mathematical paper on the propagation of sound, by Eli W. Blake. Review of Professor Asa Gray's Manual of Botany: a book with which all botanical readers are well acquainted. Review of Matteucchi's Lectures on Living Beings; which describes some curious electrical experiments upon the nerves of animals. A translation from Poggendorf's Annaton, of a paper by Professor Scheerer of Christiana, on the similarity in the forms of crystals of unlike substances, throwing new light on the secret constitution of matter. Mathematical paper, by Professor Stanley of Yale College. Not the least valuable part of this Journal is the scientific intelligence, taken from foreign Periodicals, which keeps us informed of the progress of European Science.

In looking over several of these articles, it occurred to us to say, that in America as well

as in Germany and France, science is very much obscured by the use of Greek names. In a free State like ours, statesmen and politicians are compelled to popularize everything of a public character or that appertains to the people. In science, on the contrary, no sooner does a savan discover a new fact or a new object, than he claps a leaden cover over it in the shape of a tremendous composite Greek name. For example, though we are personally familiar with the ancient rock strata that lie under our coal-fields, we quite failed to recognize them under the formidable name paleozoic, which, as the Greek dictionary informs us, signifies "containing remains of the ancient or primeval forms of life." Seriously, and with the greatest deference to our learned and ingenious savans, whom we believe to be not a whit inferior to those of Europe, would it not be rendering a service to humanity to divest their labors as far as possible of this heavy and perishable load of technicalities? Of all dialects, that of science has the briefest existence; why, then, waste a moment in adding one unnecessary name to the vast and gloomy vocabulary? This is not the age of Linnæus or of Gmelin; it is the age of Faraday, and of Humboldt. Men begin now to seek eagerly for the precious fruits of the understanding; it is injudicious, even inhuman, to do the least thing to keep knowledge from the people.

Meanwhile no man has done more to the great purpose of popular instruction than the Senior Editor of this Journal. Professor Silliman's reputation is as wide as the Continent, and wider; for his Journal is the ambassador of our science in foreign countries. It goes to Germany, France and England, and suffers no disgrace anywhere.

The Mexican War: A History of its Origin and a Detailed Account of the Victories which terminated in the Surrender of the Capital; with the Official Dispatches of the Generals. By EDWARD D. MANSFIELD. New York: Barnes & Co., 50 John street.

Probably no war, at least during its progress, has ever had so many historians as our war with Mexico. Many of these have been mere catch-penny affairs, and others designed simply to give a sketch of battles. In the work before us, Mr. Mansfield has gone fully into the sub

ject--traced the origin of the war--exposed its injustice, and characterized it as it will be seen by future generations.

It is hard to write the history of an exciting event half a century after it has transpired; for while the statistics may be correct, the spirit is wanting. Those err who suppose that the facts of history are given when every statement is made out with accuracy--the greatest fact of all is the feeling which originated the movement, and the enthusiasm which bore it onward. The Journal of Congress, the muster roll of our forces, and the complete maps of the battles during our revolutionary war, are only a part of the history of that event. The spirit of the people, the deep emotion underlaying all, are of equal importance. But if it is difficult to be just in this respect, it is equally so amid the fierce animosities and exaggerated views which prevail during the progress of the event. Mr. Mansfield has, we think, been just, and written with conscience as well as feeling.

The Mexican war is an anomaly in our history. That the Government anticipated it in moving the army on the Rio Grande, few will believe. To overawe the Mexicans, obtain territory by blustering, and make political capital out of it all, was doubtless the origin of this great wrong. It was probably a huge blunder growing out of ignorance and a deviation from the course of integrity. It is useless to argue the point, for talk as men will, there is not an intelligent statesman of either party in the land, who believes for a moment, that the same cause asserted to exist would precipitate us in a war with a strong nation. We have done to the weak what we would never have thought of doing to the strong.

Say what men will of the war, and deprecate all glorification of it as stimulating a wrong and dangerous spirit in the country, the achievements of our army are so many facts in our history, which must be contemplated; for they have turned aside our whole career as a nation, set in motion influences, and created opinions, which cannot be overlooked.

We think Mr. Mansfield's work may be safely commended as a judicious and impartial history.

Lectures on Shakspeare. By H. N. HUDSON. In two volumes. New York: Baker & Scribner. 1848.

Several of the lectures in these volumes have appeared from time to time in the pages of the Review, so that our readers may be presumed to be familiar with their characteristic merits. It is intended, moreover, to make them the subject of an extended article hereafter. We need now, therefore, only call attention to their appearance in this form, for the con

venience of such of our readers as may wish to obtain them.

Mr. Hudson has had the good taste to have his work come before the public with the advantage of a dedication to R. H. Dana, whose own lectures on the same subject, delivered a few years ago, so well sustained his distinguished reputation as a poet and critic. We cannot but regret, however, in seeing Mr. Dana's name here, that he should appear as sponsor to another's offspring, which, though excellent in its kind, is very unlike his own, when his own have never yet been admitted to the rites of publication. It argues a want of parental affection in one who has done as much as any other to direct the taste of students and literary men in our country, that it will take circumstances--strong ones, too-to disprove. In the absence of all knowledge respecting circumstances, we will presume one, viz :--Boston. Boston is situate on that side of Massachusetts which is cooled by the east wind-an air uncongenial to poetry. Humanity, Progress, all sorts of schemes and systems, (useless shrubs,) thrive there very well; but the tender flowers of poetry become wilted and odorless, under the clammy dews of transcendentalism.

Hence, Boston, to those who reside there, is a great circumstance; to publish poetry or poetic criticism there, one must assume the hallucination of the crazy man, to whom the seasons were reversed, who could walk forth in the bitterest day of January, and experience the sensations of June.

But to New York, and to those living here, Boston is not a circumstance. It is merely a remote village; we can contemplate it and all its notions, as indifferently as does the angel who stands" fixed in cogitation deep," the regent of the Sun. As indifferently, and no less benevolently, for peradventure there be fifty righteous men among our Boston readers.

Portrait of Daniel Webster.-Mr. E. A. Anthony has sent us a new and beautifully executed portrait of our great Senator, from a recent daguerreotype. The artist who managed the daguerreotype selected a very characteristic expression, so much so that the portrait, in addition to its fidelity, has the spirit of a good miniature. The engraver is Mr. A. H. Ritchie, and the work is the most perfect we know of in this kind of engraving, which is a mixture of etching and mezzotinto. Mr. Webster's domestic afflictions during the past year have not passed over him without leaving traces on his countenance, but they have evidently not bowed the conscious greatness of his mind. He still looks the man who at one time saved the two most powerful nations on the globe from war, and is worthy to bear the distinction of being the ablest statesman of his time.