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that there is no difference, and that if you have no right to tax them internally, you have none to tax them externally, or make any other law to bind them. At prefent they do not reafon fo; but in time they may poffibly be convinced by thefe arguments.

2. Do not the resolutions of the Pensylvania affembly fay-all taxes?

A. If they do, they mean only internal taxes; the fame words have not always the fame meaning here and in the colonies. By taxes they mean internal taxes; by duties they mean customs; These are their ideas of the language.

2. Have you not feen the resolutions of the Maffachufett's Bay affembly?

A. I have.

2. Do they not fay, that neither external nor internal taxes can be laid on them by parliament ?

not.

A. I don't know that they do; I believe

2. If the fame colony fhould fay neither tax nor impofition could be laid, does not that province hold the power of parliament can lay neither?

A. I fuppofe that by the word impofition, they do not intend to exprefs duties to be laid on goods imported, as regulations of commerce.

2. What can the colonies mean then by impofition as diftinct from taxes?

A. They

A. They may mean many things; as impreffing of men, or of carriages, quartering troops on private houses, and the like; there may. be great impofitions that are not properly

taxes.

2. Is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid by act of parliament ?

A. I have answered that.

2. Are all parts of the colonies equally able to pay taxes?

A. No, certainly; the frontier parts, which have been ravaged by the enemy, are greatly difabled by that means; and therefore, in fuch cafes, are usually favoured in our tax-laws.

2. Can we, at this distance, be competent judges of what favours are neceffary?

A. The parliament have fuppofed it, by claiming a right to make tax-laws for America: I think it impoffible.

2. Would the repeal of the Stamp-Act be any difcouragement of your manufactures? Will the people that have begun to manufacture decline it?

A. Yes, I think they will; especially if, at the fame time, the trade is opened again, fo that remittances can be eafily made. I have known feveral inftances that make it probable. In the war before laft, tobacco being low, and making little remittance, the people of Virginia went generally into family-manufactures. Afterwards,

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terwards, when tobacco bore a better price, they returned to the ufe of British manufactures. So fulling-mills were very much difufed in the last war in Penfylvania, because bills were then plenty, and remittances could easily be made to Britain for English cloth and other goods.

2. If the Stamp-Act fhould be repealed, would it induce the affemblies of America to acknowledge the rights of parliament to tax them, and would they erafe their refolutions?

A. No, never.

2. Is there no means of obliging them to erase thofe refolutions ?

A. None that I know of; they will never do it, unlefs compelled by force of arms.

2. Is there a power on earth that can force them to erase them?

A. No power, how great foever, can force men to change their opinions.

2. Do they confider the poft-office as a tax, or as a regulation ?

A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conveniency; every affembly encouraged it, and fupported it in its infancy, by grants of money, which they would not otherwife have done; and the people have always paid the postage.

2. When did you receive the inftructions you mentioned *?

A. I brought them with me, when I came to England, about fifteen months fince.

[See p. 294. E.]

2. When did

to the minifter?

you communicate that instruction

A. Soon after my arrival,—while the stamping of America was under confideration, and before the bill was brought in.

2. Would it be most for the interest of Great Britain, to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in manufactures ?

A. In tobacco, to be fure.

2. What used to be the pride of the Americans? A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great Britain.

2. What is now their pride?

A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can make new ones.

Withdrew.

To

To Dr. FRANKLIN *.

Dear SIR,

Nov. 21, 1769.

IN the many converfations we have had together about our prefent difputes with North America, we perfectly agreed in wishing they may be. brought to a speedy and happy conclufion. How this is to be done, is not fo eafily afcertained.

Two objects, I humbly apprehend, his Majesty's fervants have now in contemplation. ft. To relieve the colonies from the taxes complained of, which they certainly had no hand in impofing. 2dly, To preferve the honour, the dignity, and the fupremacy of the British legislature over all his Majesty's dominions.

As I know your fingular knowledge of the fubject in question, and am as fully convinced of your cordial attachment to his Majefty, and your fincere defire to promote the happiness equally of all his fubjects; I beg you would in your own clear, brief, and explicit manner, fend me an answer to the following queftions: I make this request now, because this matter is of the utmost importance, and muft very quickly be agitated. And I do it with

[These letters have often been copied into our public prints. -Mr. Strahan, the correfpondent, is printer to the King, and now representative in parliament for Malmsbury in Wiltshire. An intimacy of long standing had fubfifted between him and Dr. Franklin.

E.]

the

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