feited the native right of Britons; which they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to fuch merit, if they had been before in a state of flavery.

These, and fuch kind of things as these I apprehend, will be thought and faid by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan fhould take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and council fo appointed, not having the representative body of the people to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become fufpected and odious; dangerous animofities and feuds will arife between the governors and governed; and every thing go into confufion.

Perhaps I am too apprehenfive in this matter; but having freely given my opinion and reasons, your Excellency can judge better than I, whether there be any weight in them; and the shortness of the time allowed me, will I hope in fome degree excuse the imperfections of this fcrawl.

With the greatest refpect and fidelity, I have the honour to be

Your Excellency's moft obedient,

and most humble Servant,

B. FRANKLIN,

III. LETTER to the fame, on the Subject of uniting the colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them reprefentatives in parliament.

SIR,

SINCE

Bofton, Dec. 22, 1754.

INCE the converfation your Excellency was pleased to honour me with, on the fubject of Uniting the colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them reprefentatives in parliament, I have fomething further confidered that matter; and am of opinion, that fuch an union would be very acceptable to the colonies; pro'vided they had a reasonable number of reprefentatives allowed them; and that all the old acts of parliament reftraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of the colonies, be at the fame time repealed, and the British fubjects on this fide the water, put, in those refpects, on the fame footing with those in Great Britain, till the new parliament, reprefenting the whole, fhall think it for the interest of the whole to re-enact fome or all of them: it is not that I imagine fo many representatives will be allowed the colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers; but I think there might be fufficient, to occafion those laws to be better and more impartially confidered, and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty corporation, or of any particular fet

of artificers or traders in England, who heretofore. feem, in fome inftances, to have been more regarded than all the colonies, or than was confiftent with the general intereft, or beft national good. I think too that the government of the colonies, by a parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would be vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to be introduced by royal instruction; as well as more agreeable to the nature of an English conftitution, and to English liberty; and that fuch laws as now feem to bear hard on the colonies, would (when judged by fuch a parliament for the best interest of the whole) be more cheerfully fubmitted to, and more easily executed.

I should hope too, that by fuch an union, the people of Great Britain, and the people of the colonies, would learn to confider themselves, as not belonging to different communities with different interefts, but to one community with one intereft; which I imagine would contribute to ftrengthen the whole, and greatly leffen the danger of future feparations.

It is, I fuppofe, agreed to be the general intereft of any state, that its people be numerous and rich; men enow to fight in its defence, and enow to pay fufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these circumstances tend to the fecurity of the state, and its protection from foreign power. But it seems not of so much importance whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax by William or Charles. The iron manufacture

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facture employs and enriches British subjects, but is it of any importance to the ftate, whether the manufacturer lives at Birmingham' or Sheffield, or both; fince they are ftill within its bounds, and their wealth and perfons ftill at its command? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land equal to a large country thereby gained to England, and presently filled with English inhabitants; would it be right to deprive fuch inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the right of vending their produce in the fame ports, or of making their own fhoes; because a merchant or a fhoemaker, living on the old land, might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make fhoes for them? Would this be right, even if the land were gained at the expence of the ftate? And would it not feem lefs right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to Britain had been borne by the fettlers themfelves? and would not the hardship appear yet greater, if the people of the new country fhould be allowed no representatives in parliament enacting fuch impofitions? Now I look on the colonies as fo many countries gained to Great Britain; and more advantageous to it, than if they had been gained out of the fea around our coafts, and joined to its land; for being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and materials for more manufactures; and being separated by the ocean, they increase much more its fhipping and feamen: and, fince they are

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all,

all included in the British empire, which has only extended itself by their means; and the ftrength and wealth of the parts is the strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general state, whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New England? and if through increase of people, two smiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the new fmith be allowed to live and thrive in the new country, as well as the old one in the old? In fine, why should the countenance of a ftate be partially afforded to its people, unless it be moft in favour of those who have most merit ? and, if there be any difference, those who have moft contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increase her ftrength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the rifque of their own lives and private fortunes, in new and ftrange countries, methinks ought rather to expect some preference. With the greatest respect and efteem, I have the honour to be

Your Excellency's most obedient,

and humble Servant,

B. FRANKLIN.