is considered the height of political virtue, in their minds ; and we have no doubt they would gladly expunge every article, which restrains in the least degree, the excess of their partizan zeal and intolerance. But as the CONSTITUTION does happen yet to exist, we still deem it proper to appeal to it; however the democrats may deride it, and rid. icule the virtue which professes to treat it with reverence. Let the people read the constitution, and ask how other states in the union have acted, and they will no longer be deceived by the charges of the Chronicle; equally destitute of the fairness of argument and stability of truth.

MISREPRESENTATIONS. Have not the majorities of the two houses of our state legislature gone further, both in principle and practice, than any other publick body in the United States ever before did, in organizing a resistance to the laws of the general government ?

Chronicle, March 20. To this insidious question, we have a ready reply. Congress have gone further than any publick body in the United States ever before did, both in principle and practice,' to violate the rights and the liber. ties of the people, by laws which they have enacted. To the eternal honour of the majorities of the two houses of our state legislature,' they first unfurled the banner of legal opposition to these encroachments on our rights. The last attempt of the democrats to establish a system of tyranny and oppression, though it succeeded for a few months was frustrated by the determined virtue and integrity of the opposition which influenced our legislative bodies. As the fatal attempt upon 'our liberties stands recorded as a precedent, upon the annals of this country for ever, we do hope the ability, which displayed the transaction in all its native deformity, may descend to the historian in characters equally impressive and indelible ; to convince him that though 'there was a vindi&tive spirit of intolerance in the nation which attempt. ed to enslave it, there was also a spirit of patriotism in the nation, which resolved it should be free.

Is it for the interest of the citizens at large to have a body of federalists spending the publick money in debates, calculated for no other purpose than to abuse the president, dissolve the union, and make this state the ridicule of our enemies both at home and abroad?

Cbronicle, March 20. Here is a logical system of argument indeed. The federalists have said, 'the laws laying an embargo to which there are no limits, and which violate our natural rights as citizens, are not legally binding upon the people. This is too true, say the democrats ; therefore, in order to answer our purpose, we will only say, that such reniarks are for no other purpose than to dissolve the union ;' this will frighten the fed. eralists out of their rights, and we shall riot in the spoils of oppression.

The president knew the last embargo law to be unconstitutional, and therefore, in signing it, he acted treacherously, and as a decided enemy to his country. This is all true, say the democrats, how then thall we repel the assertion? Why, talk a deal about the dignity of authority. We abused Washington and Adams, when in office and power ; we called them traitors and incendiaries. But the case is now altered ; Mr. Jefferson is in power, and we are of his side, therefore he is ipfalliable ; therefore the president must not be abused. We must talk much of submitting to the will of the majority ; but if we are required to carry this principle to the state as well as national governments, we will change our tune; we will then say, the federalists are tories, villains, traitors, though they do compose a majority in Massachusetts, yet submission to such a majority would be submission to old tories, and would render this state the ridicule of our enemies both at home and abroad.' So much for democratick logick and argumentation.


Amongst all the clamours of opposition, with which poor Mr. Gore has been assailed by the democrats, we hear no whispers of the “sublime talents, virtue and religion' of our present chief magistrate. Amiable man! it is reserved for his political enemies to portray the features of his genius; his crimes speak for themselves, and it remains to be known whether they are not sufficiently obnoxious to the laws, to render the perpetrator a fit subject for the publick justice of his country. All people acknowledge him Lieutenant Governour, yet none feel hurt by his superiority; he is in office, and envy is not only silent, but gratified at the contemplation; he is a statesman, and confusion is worse coufounded by his reasonings. The ata tractions of the Lieutenant Governour are so peculiar, that we do not wonder at the admiration he excites annong the democrats. None of his writings discover correctness, none of his remarks genius, nor any of his views utility; he is puerile, common place and visionary. With these qualities, we _think he will unite the democrats at the approacing election, in one shout of general approbation. The following sketch of one of his honour's official specimens of extensive ability, is extracted for the consideration of his supporters in this state.

In the National Intelligencer, of the 19th September, 1804, the fol. Jowing compliment is paid to Mr. Lincoln, by a writer under the signanature of Curtius. “The short period during which he held his seat (in Congress] had not admitted of a developement of his talents, but he entered the body with the reputation of eminent talents. We should be glad to know with what reputation he left it? The truth is, that he entered the body with the reputation of being one of the writers in a Worcester paper, called the Ægis, and was supposed to be one of the authors of a series of essays, (if a mass of slander, personal, vindictive and unjust, deserves the name) called the . Farmer's Letters ;' this was the only evidence which the publick had received of his talents, and with this reputation he entered the House, and with this reputation only, he left it. It is true, that a further developement of his tulents,' did not take place during his stay in Congress; but it is not true that it was owing to the short period' to which it was confined. He remained sufficiently long to have developed his talents on the many important and interesting topicks which were each day the subjects of discussion. Awed by the splendour which surrounded him, he dared not expose

his prate to the keen animadversion of his contemporary opponents. Having just sense enough to practise the maxim of vir sapit qui pauca loquitor,' he shielded himself in a stupid silence, and sat scowling at the eminence, which he had not the power to resist. He therefore went out of Congress as he came in, with the reputation of being a very weak spoke in the wheel of government.

Mr. Lincoln was now appointed Attorney General of the United States, and during the long period in which he has held, we will not say discharged that office, he has permitted a farther developement of his talents by making one speech and an half in the Supreme Court.

The first speech was a sufficient developement of his talents, to in. duce administration to believe that in any future developement, it might be necessary for the interests of the country, that he should be assisted by other counsel, and therefore, in the celebrated case of the Sugar Refiners, Mr. Dallas was employed at the expence of several hundred dollars, to render this assistance. The cause was tried at the capitol, in Washington, during the sitting of Congress, before Chief Justice Marshall, and Judges Chase and Washington. The hall of the court was crowded with spectators, among whom were obseryed many foreigners of distinction and members of Congress. The honourable Levi Lincoln arose—one hand was rested on a large pile of law books, which it would seem he intended to use, the other contained a roll of manuscript notes of the case, to which it would seem he intended to refer, He neither used the one nor referred to the other. He was on the floor about ten minutes, when, having concluded his prefatory remarks, he said, “I will now inform this honourable Court, of the first point which I have taken in this case.'--He paused, 'I say, may it please your honours,' (continued he, after a little hesitation) and paused again. -The Court listened with the utmost attention ; the spectators who were at a little distance from the bar, anxious to witness the event which this illustrious instance of the montes parturiunt,' seemed to promise, closed up in a semicircle round the balustrade of the fo

• As I was saying, (said Mr. Lincoln) I have made a point.'He had so. He told the Court that he begged their kind indulgence; that he felt exceedingly embarrassed, and wished a few minutes for re. collection. The Court bowed assent, and Mr. Lincoln sat down,

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After a pause of fifteen minutes, during which there was the most solemn stillness, Mr. Lincoln rose again. He continued to speak about ten minutes more. His manner was wild, incoherent, and unargumentative, and seemed to be an unconnected, promiscuous, and irregular assemblage of words, without the smallest attention to an ordo verborum. • I have now come, (said he),may it please your honours, to the second point proposed-1 say--the second point which I have taken is this I have got, (said he) to the second point.' He, however, was never able to get any farther, and the Court remain yet to be informed what that second point was. Mr. Lincoln was obliged once more to apologize to the Court for being unable to proceed. He said he felt an embar, rassment which he could not conquer, and that Mr. Dallas would go on with the cause. A confused murmur was heard throughout the hall; it was the hum of vexation, disappointment, and keen remark. Some of the auditory felt chagrined at this debasement of our national dignity; some felt disappointed and astonished that this exertion of forensick eloquence should have terminated in such a mortifying developement of the talents of their Attorney General; and others laughed at the impotency which they had predicted—whilst the poor Mr, Lincoln sat down at the bar and covered his face with his hands. It would be vain to deny the truth of this statement; the hundreds who were present can testify to its truth.


A bad cause is generally supported by sophistry or falsehood. A. mong the clamours of opposition to Mr. Gore, with which our ears have been assailed by the democrats, none has been more distinctly made known than this, that he was an OLD TORY during our revolutionary war. Now this is utterly false, and the democrats know it is false. What act of his have they mentioned in proof, or what opinion of his, have they suggested, as affording the slightest presumption of the fact. In the first place, he was not more than sixteen years of age, and then he was studying quietly at College, in Cambridge. But his father was certainly a tory, and the son is of the same breed; if the democrats determine to visit the sins of the fathers upon the children, what is to become of Mr. ERVING, employed in Europe as the Secretray of Legation in Spain, whose father was a tory and pensioner under the British government ? The truth is, however, that Mr. Gore, young as he was, promulgated sentiments most favourable to the American cause, and the best proof is that he was chosen a member of the Con. vention of Massachusetts, on the adoption of the Constitution.


ENGLISH ORDERS versus FRENCH DECREES. THE argument of the Democrats was, that if we should open a trade with England for the continent of Europe, the duties we should be obliged to pay there would amount to tribute ; and that our honour (laughable) forbid the prosecution of such a traffick. That objection is now removed. The order in council of the 21st Dec. suspends the duties on exportations of articles being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any country for the time being in amity with his majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded. Our non-inter. 'course act completely renders this concession nugatory. But though we cannot take any commercial advantage of the permission, we can discover in it a friendly disposition on the part of Great-Britain, which country is denounced as our most decided enemy ; whilst on the other hand, Holland, one of the friendly nations, according to Mr. Gallatin's circular, has issued a decree which provides that no vessels shall be permitted to enter the ports of that kingdom, whether friendly or not, but that the harbours of Holland shall be completely occluded. If neutral vessels are stranded upon the Dutch coast, and disabled from putting again to sea, the king kindly condescends to admit their cargoes into the royal warehouses, there to be kept in safe custody until the conclusion of peace. And our AMERICAN SEAMEN, by this decree, are liable to be impressed without distinction in the Dutch navy. The American master is expressly degraded to a common sailor. Neutral vessels which may have touched at any enemies' port, or taken in letters or passengers during their voyage, shall not be warned off but shall be condemned and confiscated. These are some of the terms of a decree which


into operation without notice ; the neutrals are absolutely taken by surprize.

Suppose the crew of some American ship, which may cidentally met an English man of war, and had passengers forced on board of her, should arrive off the coast of Holland, without any knowledge of this decree ; what will be the effect ? She is immediately confiscated, and the master and crew,' by the terms of the third article, shall without any distinction, be put on poard any one of their ships of war, to serve therein as common sailors.' Here

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