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Imprimis, I desire that my funeral anthems be all set to the tune of old Lilliburlero, that never to be forgotten Irish Shiboleth, in commemoration not only of two hundred thousand hereticks, that formerly danced off to the said musical notes, but also of the second part to the same tune, lately designing, setting, and composing by a great master of mine, and myself. The said anthem to be sung by a train of seven or eight-hundred of my own making in the west; who, in their native rags, a livery likewise of my own donation, as a dress fitttest for the sad cavalcade, will, I am assured, be no way wanting in their readiest and ablest melody, suitable to the occasion.

Item, I order two hundred Jacobus's to be laid out in myrrh, frankincense, and other necessary perfumes, to be burnt at my fune. ral, to sweeten, if possible, some little stink I may, probably, leave behind me.

Item, I order an ell and a half of fine cambrick to be cut out into handkerchiefs, for drying up all the wet eyes at my funeral, together with half a pint of burnt claret, for all the mourners in the kingdom.

Item, For the more decent interment of my remains, I will and require, for the re-cementing of my own unhappy politick head to my shoulders again (provided always I have the honour of the axe, as it is much questioned) that a present of a diamond ring be made to Madam Labadie, for the use of the same needle, and a skain of the same thread, once used on a very important occasion, for the quilting of a certain notable cushion of famous memory.

To conclude: For avoiding all Chancery suits about the disposal of my aforesaid legacies, that the contents of this my last will may be made publick, I order my executors to take care that this may be printed.

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For PRESENT CASE OF ENGLAND, see Vol. i. p. 41.

THE DANGER

OF

MERCENARY PARLIAMENTS *.

SEVERAL 1. EVERAL treatises have been formerly written, and more (I doubt not) will be in this juncture published, with directions and in. formations to the people of England for chusing fit and proper repre. sentatives for the ensuing parliament, wherein sufficient notice will be taken of the failures and defects of several who have already been

• Printed, anno 1690. Quarto, containing eight pages.

entrusted in that service, and the due qualifications of such, who are now to be elected. I shall, therefore, confine my present thoughts only to one particular head, which yet, in my opinion, seems to in. volve in it the inevitable fate of England, which wholly depends upon the choice of members for the next session of parliament: I mean

the choosing or refusing of such persons, who are now possessed of any places and preferments, depending upon the gift and pleasure of the court.' If herein my endeavours prove unsuccessful,I shall have nothing left, but the satisfaction of my own conscience to support me under the deplorable consequents and effects, which must neces. sarily attend the choice of a house of commons filled with Officers and court pensioners. This is the last struggle and effort the people of England have left them for their properties; and, should we now miscarry in this, we may sit down and idly shew our affections for our country, and fruitlesly bewail the loss of our liberties, but shall never meet with another opportunity of exerting ourselves in its ser. vice. That I may, therefore, set the minds of people right, in this particular, before it be too late, I think it will be only necessary to shew the danger of chusing members that are in places, from two considerations :

First, From the nature of such a parliament, considered in itself: And,

Secondly, From what has already been done by parliaments so qualified.

In both which, I shall be very brief, and content myself with much fewer arguments than might be urged upon this subject. For I should almost despair of being survived by the liberties of England, if I could imagine there was a necessity of saying much, in a case not only of such irresistible evidence and demonstration, but also of the utmost concern and importance to us.

2. First, then, we shall best be able to understand the nature of such an ill-chosen parliament, by comparing it with a true one, and with the original design of parliaments in their institution. I hope it need not be told, that they were, at first, intended for a support to the king's just prerogative, and a protection to the subjects in their as just rights and}privileges: For maintaining all due honour to the ex. ecutive power and all suitable respect and encouragement to those, who are intrusted with the administration of the laws: For a poise and balance between the two extreme contending powers of absolute mon. archy and anarchy: For a check and curb to insolent and licentious ministers, and a terror to ambitious and over-grown statesmen : For giving their advice to his majesty in all matters of importance: For making necessary laws, to preserve or improve our constitution, and abrogating such as were found burthensome and obsolete: For giving the king money for defraying the charges and expences of the govern. ment, or maintaining a necessary war against foreign and domestick enemies: For examining and inspecting the publick accounts, to know if their money be applied to its true use and purposes: In short, for the best security imaginable to his majesty's honour and royal dignis ties, and the subjects liberties, estates, and lives.

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3. This being the nature and true design of a parliament, let us now see whether a house of commons, full of officers and court pen, sioners, will answer those noble and laudable ends of their constia tutions. And, here indeed, I begin already to be ashamed of my un, dertaking ; the proof of the negative is so ridiculous, that it looks too much like a jest, to ask any one in his wits, whether a parlia, ment, filled with delinquents, will ever call themselves to an ac, count, or what account would be given, if they should ? Whether an assembly of publick robbers will sentence one another to be punished, or to make restitution? Whether it is possible, our grievances can be redressed, that are committed by persons, from whom there is no higher power to appeal ? Whether there is any hope of justice, where the malefactors are the judges ? Whether his majesty can be rightly informed in affairs relating to himself or the publick, when they are represented to him, only by such persons, who design to abuse him? Whether the publick accounts will be faithfully inspected by those, who embezzle our money to their own use ? Whether the king's prerogative can be lawfully maintained by such, who only pervert it to their own sinister ends and purposes? Whether a parliament can be a true balance, where all the weight lies only in one scale? Or, lastly, Whether a house of commons can vote freely, who are either prepossessed with the hopes and promises of enjoying places, or the slavish fears of losing them? Methinks it is offering too much violence to human nature, to ask such questions as these; I shall, therefore, leave this invidious point.

4. Yet, lest still any should remain unsatisfied, or lulled into a fond opinion, that these mischiefs will not ensue upon the elections they shall make, I shall further endeavour to convince those, who are most moved by the force of examples, by coming to my second pare ticular, and shewing how parliaments, so qualified, have all along behaved themselves. And here I must confess there are not many instances to be given, the project of corrupting parliaments being but of a late date, a practice first set on foot within the compass of our own memories, as the last and most dangerous stratagem that ever was invented by an incroaching tyrant to possess himself of the rights of a free-born people; I mean King Charles the Second, who, well remembering, with how little success, both he and his father had made use of open arms and downright violence to storm and batter down the bulwarks of our excellent constitution, had recourse at last to those mean arts, and underhand practices, of bribing and corrupt, ing, with money, those who were intrusted with the conservation of our laws, and the guardianship of our liberties. And herein he so well succeeded, that the mischiefs and calamities, occasioned by that mercenary parliament, did not terminate with his life and reign; but the effects of then, are handed and continued down, and very sensibly felt by the nation, to this very hour. For it is to that house of com. mons the formidable greatness of France was owing, and to their account, therefore, ought we to set down the prodigious expences of the late war. It was by those infamous members that money was given to make a feigned and collusive war with France, which, at the

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entrusted in that service, and the due qualifications of such, who are now to be elected. I shall, therefore, confine my present thoughts only to one particular head, which yet, in my opinion, seems to in. volve in it the inevitable fate of England, which wholly depends upon the choice of members for the next session of parliament: I the choosing or refusing of such persons, who are now possessed of any places and preferments, depending upon the gift and pleasure of the court.' If herein my endeavours prove unsuccessful,I shall have nothing left, but the satisfaction of my own conscience to support me under the deplorable consequents and effects, which must necesa sarily attend the choice of a house of commons filled with Officers and court pensioners. This is the last struggle and effort the people of England have left them for their properties; and, should we now miscarry in this, we may sit down and idly shew our affections for our country, and fruitlesly bewail the loss of our liberties, but shall never meet with another opportunity of exerting ourselves in its ser. vice. That I may, therefore, set the minds of people right, in this particular, before it be too late, I think it will be only necessary to shew the danger of chusing members that are in places, from two considerations :

First, From the nature of such a parliament, considered in itself: And,

Secondly, From what has already been done by parliaments so qualified.

In both which, I shall be very brief, and content myself with much fewer arguments than might be urged upon this subject. For I should almost despair of being survived by the liberties of England, if I could imagine there was a necessity of saying much, in a case not only of such irresistible evidence and demonstration, but also of the utmost concern and importance to us.

2. First, then, we shall best be able to understand the nature of such an ill-chosen parliament, by comparing it with a true one, and with the original design of parliaments in their institution. I hope it need not be told, that they were, at first, intended for a support to the king's just prerogative, and a protection to the subjects in their as just rights and}privileges: For maintaining all due honour to the ex. ecutive power and all suitable respect and encouragement to those, who are intrusted with the administration of the laws: For a poise and balance between the two extreme contending powers of absolute mon. archy and anarchy: For a check and curb to insolent and licentious ministers, and a terror to ambitious and over-grown statesmen : For giving their advice to his majesty in all matters of importance: For making necessary laws, to preserve or improve our constitution, and abrogating such as were found burthensome and obsolete: For giving the king money for defraying the charges and expences of the government, or maintaining a necessary war against foreign and domestick enemies: For examining and inspecting the publick accounts, to know if their money be applied to its true use and purposes: In short, for the best security imaginable to his majesty's honour and royal digni. ties, and the subjects liberties, estates, and lives.

3. This being the nature and true design of a parliament, let us now see whether a house of commons, full of officers and court pen, sioners, will answer those noble and laudable ends of their consti. tutions. And, here indeed, I begin already to be ashamed of my una dertaking ; the proof of the negative is so ridiculous, that it looks too much like a jest, to ask any one in his wits, whether a parlia, ment, filled with delinquents, will ever call themselves to an ac, count, or what account would be given, if they should ? Whether an assembly of publick robbers will sentence one another to be punished, or to make restitution? Whether it is possible, our grievances can be redressed, that are committed by persons, from whom there is no higher power to appeal? Whether there is any hope of justice, where the malefactors are the judges ? Whether his majesty can be rightly informed in affairs relating to himself or the publick, when they are represented to him, only by such persons, who design to abuse him? Whether the publick accounts will be faithfully inspected by those, who embezzle our money to their own use ? Whether the king's prerogative can be lawfully maintained by such, who only pervert it to their own sinister ends and purposes? Whether a parliament can be a true balance, where all the weight lies only in one scale ? Or, lastly, Whether a house of commons can vote freely, who are either prepossessed with the hopes and promises of enjoying places, or the slavish fears of losing them? Methinks it is offering too much violence to human nature, to ask such questions as these; I shall, therefore, leave this invidious point.

4. Yet, lest still any should remain unsatisfied, or lulled into a fond opinion, that these mischiefs will not ensue upon the elections they shall make, I shall further endeavour to convince those, who are most moved by the force of examples, by coming to my second para ticular, and shewing how parliaments, so qualified, have all along behaved themselves. And here I must confess there are not many instances to be given, the project of corrupting parliaments being but of a late date, a practice first set on foot within the compass of our own memories, as the last and most dangerous stratagem that ever was invented by an incroaching ty rant to possess himself of the rights of a free-born people; I mean King Charles the Second, who, well remembering, with how little success, both he and his father had made use of open arms and downright violence to storm and batter down the bulwarks of our excellent constitution, had recourse at last to those mean arts, and underhand practices, of bribing and corrupt, ing, with money, those who were intrusted with the conservation of our laws, and the guardianship of our liberties. And herein he so well succeeded, that the mischiefs and calamities, occasioned by that mercenary parliament, did not terminate with his life and reign ; but the effects of thens are handed and continued down, and very sensibly felt by the nation, to this very hour. For it is to that house of com. mons the formidable greatness of France was owing, and to their account, therefore, ought we to set down the prodigious expences of the late war. It was by those infamous members that money was given to make a feigned and collusive war with France, which, at the

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