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pinacles shall kiss heaven, but Jefferies? Who has united two such formidable Protestant neighbours with that eternal link of interest, as shall render us once more the arbiters of Europe, and terror of the world? Who but Jefferies, and Jefferies's conduct, has joined those naval forces, those floating walls, that shall one day mew up that French antichristian monster, till in despight and despair, he burst his soul out at his fistula ?
In fine, Who has cut off the very entail of Popery and slavery from three happy kingdoms, but Jefferies? Three kingdoms did I say? Yes, possibly has laid that foundation to the Protestant cause, as shall perhaps one day make her over-top the seven proud hills, and strike her dagger into the very gates of Rome.
With this confession of my crimes, which, under the amicting hand of heaven, I think myself obliged to give the world, I beseech my enemies themselves so to represent my case, as that at least, Out of
the devourer may come forth meat; and out of the strong, sweet.
ness:' And, by balancing the services of my actions against the guilt of them, give me some small dawn of hope, that the approaching par. liament, my judges, my accusers themselves, may be softened into some commiseration, and forgiveness. I assure them, if heaven spare me life to ask it, they shall want neither confession, discovery, nor contrition, to obtain their absolution. And black as I am, I beg, even my most hard-hearted adversaries, to consider, that still I am not blacker than Judas. And alas! there was some merit even in Judas; for there wanted his betraying of his God, for the saving of the world.
RELATING TO THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND,
Humbly submitted to the most Noble Assembly of
LORDS AND COMMONS
AT THE GREAT CONVENTION AT WESTMINSTER.
London, printed for Joseph Watts, at the Angel in St. Paul's
Church-yard, 1689. Quarto, containing eight pages.
THAT Ireland is part of the dominions of England, and a I. kingdom subordinate to it.—This appears not only by the appeals that are made from the Chancery there, to the House of Lords here, and by writ of error from the King's-Berch there to the King's. Bench here; but also by the patents which often pass under the great seal of England, for lands, honours, and offices in Ireland, aud
by the obligation which an English act of parliament lays on Ireland, when it is particularly named.
II. That the Crown of England hath good title to Ireland. Not only by descent from Eva, daughter of Dermond Mac Morough, King of Leinster, whose ancestors were monarchs of Ireland; but also by lawful conquest in a just war, and by the repeated oaths and voluntary submissions of the Irish potentates and gentry in all ages, and by several statutes of recognition, and acts of parliament in that kingdom, and by above five-hundred years prescription.
III. That whoever hath the Crown of England, is, ipso facto, Sovereign of Ireland ; and to levy war, against such person, is treason.—This is the natural result of the first assertion; and besides what may be collected from the statute of 11 Hen. VII. of paying obedience to the king for the time being; it was so at com. mon law, and cannot be otherwise in reason ; for there is that correlation between protection and allegiance, that they must stand and fall together, and there is no difference in this case, between Ireland and the Isle of Wight, or any other part of the dominions of the crown of England.
IV. That the Lords and Commons of England have always been zealously concerned for, and liberally contributed to the preservas tion of Ireland.-This appears by the many subsidies and other aids, they have in all ages given towards the support of that kingdom ; for Ireland was always a charge to England, until the act of settlement was made: it cost this kingdom near three-hundred thousand pounds per annum for some years in Queen Elisabeth's reign ;. and the rebellion, in 1641, drained England of some millions of money, and of many thousands of men, and yet all this was well spent, because,
V. Without the subjection of Ireland, England cannot flourish, and, perhaps, not subsist.–For every harbour in Munster would be more prejudicial to the trade of England, than either Sallee or Algiers ever was, that island being so situate, that England cannot trade with Spain, the Levant, Africa, the Fast-Indies or the West, without sailing almost in view of the old head of Kinsale, so that England must traffick at vast disadvantage, hazard, and charge, in armed and double-manned vessels, or with great convoys. Add to this, that Ireland would be always in close league with the enemies of England, and yearly supply a vast number of able bodies to
Vi. That Ireland was never in so much danger as it is now ;For the confederacy was never so general before, the Irish never had such quantities of arms and ammunition, they never had the city of Dublin, they never had the whole kingdom in their possession, or un. der their power; and, which is more than all the rest, they never had the colour or pretence of authority before this time.
VII. That the Protestants there, unless speedily relieved, must necessarily be ruined. For the Irish, having no money, cannot support their vast army, without free quarter on the English. Add to this, the decay and full stop of trade, and the many other insup,
portable difficulties they labour under, and their ruin will appear inevitable without present relief.
Vil. That no people in the world are in so miserable a condi, tion as the Protestants of Ireland. For they are not only insulted over by their own servants, and in a certain way of beggary, but are also in continual fear, and under imminent danger of being massacred,
IX. That the English government hath been easy and favourable to the Irish. And this evidently appears by one slight instance, viz. That the grand jury, and the whole county of Cork, had more trouble and charge to get rid of two Irish attornies in the sheriff's court, and at last could not effect it, than the Irish have had to turn out most of the civil and military Protestant officers in that kingdom, though some of them had good patents for their places; and it is beyond dispute, that, for many years past, the Irish never wanted such friends at Whitehall, as made their affairs run glib in all courts of judicature, and elsewhere.
X. Thut, nevertheless, many of the Irish, and some degenerate English, would rather live under any government than that of England. - And this happens partly from the difference of humours, manners, and customs between them and us, and partly, because they look up on the first conquest of Ireland, and the subsequent confiscations to be injurious, and think a foreigner would restore them; but chiefly this aversion is to be attributed to the difference in religion, they conceiving us to be obstinate incorrigible hereticks, and therefore they have often invited the Pope, French, and Spaniard, to accept of the government of that kingdom.
XI. That ten-thousand English, well furnished and conducted, never were, nor never can be beaten by the Irish in that kingdom. The first assertion is true, and the second is rational; for, allowing the Irish gentry to be brave enough, yet the commoners have not courage or skill equal to the English, or near it; nor can the Irish keep more than ten or twelve.thousand men together any long time, for want of forage and other necessaries,
XII. However, less than fifteen, or perhaps twenty-thousand men, ought not now to attempt Ireland ;- because it will be neces. sary to make descents in several places; and, when garisons, and other necessary detachments, are deducted, there will not remain above ten or twelve-thousand for the field.
XIII. If these twenty-thousand were divided into three bodies, in all probability there would be none, or very weak and short resistance. For if four-thousand landed in Ulster, six-thousand in Munster, and ten-thousand in the heart of the kirgdom, the Irish would be distracted, and not know where to turn; for they have neither officers nor soldiers capable to make three distinct armies; experience will manifest, that, in that case, finding themselves at. tacked on all sides, Tyrconnel would retire to Athlone, and thence to Galway, and, in the first ship he could get, shift for himself as well as he could.
XIV. However, reasonable conditions should not be denied them,
mischief, and save the effusion of Christian blood, it is unchristian to force them to desperation; they should have indemnity for what is past, and a connivance at the private exercise of their religion, by a competent number of priests, for the future. This offer justifies our moderation, and, if refused, leaves them without excuse.
XV. Whatever conditions are offered them, will be rejected or postponed, unless backed with a sufficient force.-For they are in hopes of aid from France, and have very little foresight of what is future. It is not unusual amongst them, to defy one day what they tremble at the next. It has been always a principal maxim in their politicks, to procrastinate and delay their submission, in hopes of imaginary succours, until they plunged themselves sometimes into a sea of misery, and it looks as if their destiny inclines that way now.
XVI. That the Irish estates are sufficient to defray the charge of reducing them to their duty.-- For of ten millions of plantation. acres of land, which there are in Ireland, the Irish have a fourth part, which, to be purchased, is worth three millions of pounds.
XVII. That the Protestants are already damnified to that value, and in three months more will suffer as much again.-For, besides the interruption in trade and business, bad debts, and the particular wrongs and injuries done them, the losses of those that were forced to fly to England and elsewhere, the very land is one third part lessened in the yearly value ; and the two thirds remaining are not worth so many years purchase by a third part, as they were anno 1684. For example, three hundred per annum, at twelve years purchase, being three-thousand six-hundred pounds, is now but two-hundred pounds, at eight years purchase, which is one-thou. sand six-hundred pounds.
XVIII. The Protestants of Ireland had been eternally ruined, if it were not for the glorious atchievements of the Prince of Orange. -For, if they are in so ill condition at this day, in what case would they have been, if France had leisure and means to assist the Irish, and England in a civil war) not able to relieve the Protestants there?
XIX. The policy and true scheme of government was totally overturned in Ireland.-For where reason and the interest of Eng, land required, that the English colony should be protected by an English army; and whereas a Protestant parliament in Ireland had raised a great revenue to the crown, mostly paid by Protestants, in order to maintain a Protestant army, on the quite contrary, that army was disbanded, with circumstances as bad as the fact, and Papists introduced to guard us against themselves; and Irish brought to garison within those walls, that were purposely built to keep them out.
XX. The law was likewise subverted. For the force and energy of the law being resolved into trials by jury, when the judge, sheriff, jury, witness and party were all of a piece, and that in a country where perjury is so frequent, that Irish evidence is become proverbially scandalous, what could an English Protestant expect, but that many notorious murders should pass unpunished,
many forged deeds should be trumped up, and many hundreds of English indicted, drawn in question, and prosecuted, without so much as a probability, or colour of truth?
XXI. These injuries would have been perpetuated and legiti. mated, and our religion and nation destroyed there by law.For they dissolved all corporations, on forged or frivolous pretences, and in so precipitate a manner, that they did not give competent time to draw, much less to review the pleadings. They projected to call the eldest sons of Popish noblemen by writ, and so made themselves sure of both houses of an Irish parliament.
XXII. That the disbanded Protestant officers deserve, and are fit to be employed in the recovery of Ireland. They deserve it, and all the countenance that can be shewn them, because they have suffered much (and few people consider how much) merely for their religion and country. And they are fit, because they are acquainted with the country, the climate, and the inhabitants, and are, beyond objection, zealous in this cause.
XXIII. That the prince wants neither courage, conduct, reputation, or zeal.--Ilis attempt in England manifested his courage, his success demonstrated his conduct, and confirmed his reputation; and, for the rest, the same motives, that induced him to come hither, are still in being, and will prevail to advance his victorious arms to Ireland.
XXIV. There is nothing wanting but a settled legal authority and money.-For, though necessity justifies pro hac vice, yet our law knows no authority but what is regal; without that there can be no parliament, nor indeed no obligation to obedience (or at most but temporary.) And as for money, though it is impossible to make a general tax seasonably for the relief of Ireland, yet, perhaps a good vote of espousing the Irish concern may give credit to raise a fund, for a service so necessary and beneficial to England.
XXV. The army will be in more danger of famine than sword. For, besides that the enemy will destroy and burn all he can, there is not in the country provision enough for both armies, and therefore great magazines must be erected at Chester, Bristol, Milford, &c. how much money soever it may cost.
XXVI. All private undertakings, in this matter of Ireland, are vain.-For no one body is able to do much, and confederacies and partnerships are lame and uncertain, because the failure of any one spoils all. Nor did any private undertaker of publick affairs ever succeed in Ireland; witness Sir Thomas Smith's project in the Ardes, and Walter Earl of Essex's in Clandeboy and the Ferny.
XXVII. That whoever takes commission here, to raise men in Ireland, does that country a great deal of wrong.-For either he takes some poor dispirited people, or such farmers, labourers, or tradesmen, as would be more useful in their vocation; or he takes others, that would, of their own accord, and without pay in the militia, or otherwise, fight for their lives, families, and estates; every
he robs the country of people, and hinders those that else would