navigation and traffick. This is certain, such a war cannot prejudice us, by hindering our trade with her; it being notoriously known, that our commerce there is, at once, mischievous to us, and strangely advantageous to her, whether you respect the open or clandestine traffick: First, in the quantity, by the vast over-balance of her com. modities. And, Secondly, in the quality of them; those which she receives from us, being such as are necessary, and useful to her, and infinitely disadvantageous to us, as our wool, &c. whilst we import nothing from thence, but what we were a thousand times better to be without; and such as, if we consume them not, must, in effect, perish on their hands, to the infinite prejudice of her king, and people, as we know they now suffer by the Dutch late prohibition of brandy, salt, &c. and which, to gratify our ill-tutored humours, and appetites, subdue our rents, corrupt and impoverish our nobility and gentry, destroy our manufactures, and snatch the bread out of the mouths of our artificers, and, by consequence, increase our poor, and render us the most vain and luxurious creatures in Europe.

And, although I cannot magnify our present condition, and fitness for war; yet certainly, it is safer enterprising her abroad (as shaken as we are) with the help of powerful confederates (whose shoulders may bear part of the burthen) whilst there remain fresh hopes of victory, than slumber in a dangerous peace, till invincible mischiefs awake us, our neighbours subdued, our trade expired, war brought to our doors by a triumphant enemy heightened by conduct and and cock-pit law against us; hoping, now, by a reason successes, able army (such as the nation may maintain in pay and courage) and the joint force of confederates, to reduce the scale, and confirm which thrice their numbers, and treble charge at another time, cannot procure; and, of all evils, the least is always to be

that

peace,

chosen.

If I be asked, what assurance can princes have of alliances, since all ages afford untoward instances of foul play therein, to the ruin, commonly, of the most sincere and daring?

Not to distinguish between the dissimulation of the south (where, under the name of prudence and circumspection, falshood and frauds are daily reverenced) and the sincerity of the north (where most of our alliances are) nor debate the difference between leagues commenced by revenge, passion, or some frivolous capricio (which are no sooner patched together, than rent asunder) and those led on by the exact rules of common safety and government (whose results are immortal) I answer, that honourable leagues hold commonly inviolable, until the several fundamental interests of the confederates are secured. Now it is almost impossible, that any prince's true interest can be secured, whilst France remains so mighty and rampant. Let the league hold, till her swaggering fit be over, her nails pared, and she reduced to terms of modesty and good neighbourhood, and then let the allies fall off as they please. I know, in all leagues of this nature, differences from several little interests have risen, how far it has been safe, or necessary, to weaken the common enemy;

wherein some have always been fiercer for a total subversion than others, as in the miserable case of Germany, wherein nothing would satisfy the Swede and French, but dividing the very carcass of the imperial eagle, whilst the rest of the confederates were contented to cut off her beak and talons; yet they all agreed in this, that she was to be reduced and weakened. But suppose that allies should prove false, when once a war is commenced, what would it do else, but at once to hasten the ruin of them all? And, in the mean time, instruct the deserted prince to yield to larger terms, out-bid the apostates, stoop to the pretender (who, as a generous conqueror, must pity such) and with him, in revenge, set upon the perfidious, and make them eternally repent such unworthiness, unless safe counsels in the mean time present.

Again, it may be objected, that peace ought to be preserved as long as may be, in hopes that this busy and dangerous prince may expire, before his haughty designs are accomplished, and the affairs of France fall thereby into the hands of an infant, or a lazy and effeminate prince (that is worse than a child) accompanied (as commonly) with corrupt, faithless, or factious counsellors and flatterers, the vermin of courts, and plague and ruin of crowns and scepters, whereby (without the hazard of a war) her huffling, and prosperous condition (as frequent examples tell us) may be rendered languishing enough.

I answer, that that, which may be, may not be, and either this active prince, who is now but thirty-two, may live (without a powerful confederacy) to give Europe a woful conviction of the folly of such lazy counsel, or leave a successor to tread in his glorious steps, till that be accomplished, which all but Frenchmen ought to abhor, whatever their religious persuasions are; aud what wise man will expose, even his little private affairs, to such a risque, when safer remedies are at hand.

If it be said, that, in case our neighbours think fit to invade us, we have store of Sampsons to give them warlike entertainment, where by we may defend our own, without concerning ourselves in affairs abroad.

I answer, First, this is clearly against the practice of our renowned ancestors, and of all wise states in all ages, who have chosen to fight their enemies on an enemy's soil, at any rate, rather than suffer the terrors and desolations of an invasion, though the enemy should have perished all on the spot. Secondly, There is a moral impossibility to maintain England, otherwise than in a languid and frightful condition, were her Sampsons twice as many, should France (whilst we slumber) reduce the Spanish, and United Provinces, and annex the greater part of Germany to his flourishing and mighty kingdom; acquisitions whereof he has too fair a prospect. Thirdly, I dare affirm, that nothing but invincible necessity, or ill counsel, ever disposed a prince to receive an enemy into his own bowels, instead of seeking him abroad, for which I humbly offer these reasons.

1. The assailants both in their own, and their enemies opinion (which, in war, works mighty effects) have commonly the reputation

VOL. IX.

Ꭱ

on this affair, may assure us, they would not have suffered the government in so loose a posture, so long as they did.

IV. That the Swedes knowing, that it is impossible on any occa. sion, that all men should be of the same mind, wisely ordained, that the minor part should submit to the major, or be declared enemies to the publick peace. And sure this example will be followed,

where-ever reasonable and disinterested men meet on the like occa. sions; for sure no body can deny, but that it is better for any nation, that some laws should be made, and others broken, against the opinion of the minor part, than that all laws, morality, and good nature, should give place to passion, injustice, and cruelty, through their obstinacy.

Now may God Almighty open the eyes of all Englishmen to see, and their hearts to embrace this truth.

THE

LAST WILL OF GEORGE FOX,

THE QUAKERS GREAT APOSTLE,

AS IT WAS ALL WRITTEN BY HIS OWN HAND,

AND IS

NOW LYING IN THE PREROGATIVE-OFFICE,

BY DOCTORS-COMMONS, LONDON;

Attested by three eminent Quakers, whose Names are undermen. tioned: With a Copy of the Administration in Latin, taken out of the said Office, signed by Thomas Wellham, Deputy-Register, containing two columns; that on the left-hand, being the Ori ginal, in his false English and Spelling; the other, on the righthand, put into true English, the Original being unintelligible. Published to convince the World, That he who made this Will, and could not write one Line of true English (and yet pretended high Skill in the Learned Languages, witness his Battledoor, and Primer to the two Universities; who said, in his Battledoor, All Languages were no more to me than Dust, who was, before Languages were') is not the Author of any one Page in all those Books, which the Quakers have impudently published under his Name. Printed on a Broad-side

E Registro Curiæ Prærogative
Cunt. Extract.

*I. J DOE give to Thomas Lover

A Copy of the Will of George Fox, in true English, the Ori ginal being unintelligible.

my sadell, the ar at Jhon Nel. I Do give to Thomas Lower my

sons, and bridall, and sporg and saddle and bridle, they are at bootes, inward letherethd, and the John Elson's, and spurs and

Endorsed on the first paper, numb. 1, for Thomas Lover, this.

Newingland Indan Bible, and my great book of the signifing of names, and my book of the New Testement of eight langves; and all my fisekall things, that came from beyand the seay, with the ovt landesh cvp, and that thing that people doe give glisters with, and my tov diales, the one is an eknocksa diall.

And all my over pvesh bookes to be devided amovng my 4 sones in law; and also all my other bookes, and my hamack, I doe give to Thomas Lover, that is, at Bengamin Antrvbvs his closet, and Rachall may take that which is at Swarthmor.

And Thomas Lover may have my walnvt eqvnock shall diall, and if he can, he may geet one cut by it, which will be hard to doe; and hee shall have one of my prosspect glaseses in my trovnk at London, and a pare of my gloveses, and my seale G. F. and the flaming sword to Nat. Mead, and my other 2 seales J. Rose, the other Dan Abraham.

And Thomas Lover shall have my Spanesh lether hyd, G. F. And S. Mead shall have my magnifing glas, and the torkellshell com and cace.

*II. And all that I have writ. ten, consaring what I doe give to my relashons, ether mony or other waes, Jhon Loft may put it up in my tronke at Jhon El. sones, and wright all things downe in a paper, and make a paper out of all my papers, how I have orderd things for them; and Jhon Loft may send all things dovn by Povelesworth carrer, in the trovnke, to Jhon Fox, at Povelesworth in Waricksher; and let John Fox send John Loft

boots, inward leathers, and the
New England Indian Bible, and
my great book of the signifying
of names, and my book of the
New Testament of eight lan.
guages; and all my physical
things, that came from beyond
the sea, with the outlandish cup,
and that thing that people do
give clysters with, and my two
dials, the one is an equinoctial
dial; and all my overplus books
to be divided among my four
sons-in-law: and also all my
other books, and my hammock,
I do give to Thomas Lower, that
is at Benjamin Antrobus's closet;
and Rachel may take that which
is at Swarthmore; and Thomas
may have my walnut-equinoctial
dial, and if he can, he may get
one cut by it, which will be hard
to do; and he shall have one of
my prospect glasses, in
my trunk
at London, and a pair of my
gloves, and my seal, G. F. And
the flaming sword to Nath. Mead,
and my other two seals, J. Rouse,
and the other, Daniel Abraham ;
and Thomas Lower shall have my
Spanish leather hood, and S.
Mead shall have my magnifying
glass, and the tortoiseshell comb
and case, G. F.

And all that I have written concerning what I do give to my relations, either money, or other. ways, John Loft may put it up in my trunk at John Elson's, and write all things down in a paper, and make a paper out of all my papers, how I have ordered things for them; and John Loft may send all things down by Poulsworth carrier, in the trunk, to John Fox, at Poulsworth, in Warwickshire; and let John Fox send John Loft a full

On the second, numb 9. This is to be put up among George Fox's sealed up papers that pacquet that Sarah Mead hath.

On the third, numb. 3. For George Fox, to be laid in the trunk, W. M. the eighth month