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remind him, what a wretch and a villain he would be, fhould he invade thofe liberties which his valour and magnanimity had restored. If, after this, Milton's employers deviated from his idea of their duty, be it remembered, that he was neither in their fecrets, nor an inftrument in their arbitrary acts or encroachments on the legal rights of the fubje&t; many (perhaps the most) of which were to be juftified by the neceffity of the times, and the malignant attempts of thofe who laboured to reflore that wicked race of defpotic rulers, the individuals of which had uniformly profeffed an utter enmity to the claims of a free people, and had acted accordingly, in perfect conformity to Dr Johnfon's political creed. On another hard, be it obferved, that in thofe State-letters, latinized by Milton, which remain, and in thofe particularly written in the name of the Protector Oliver, the ftri&teft attention is paid to the dignity and importance of the British nation, to the protection of trade, and the Proteflant religion, by fpirited expoftulations with foreign powers on any infraction of former treaties, in a flyle of fteady determination, of which there have been few examples in fubfequent times. A certain fign in what efteem the British government was held at that period by all the other powers of Europe. And as this was the only province in which Milton acted under that government which Dr. Johnfon calls an ufurpation, let his fervices be compared with those performed by Dr. Johnfon for his prefent patrons; and let the conftitutional fubject of the British empire judge which of them better deferves the appellation of a traitor to public liberty, or have more righteously earned the honey of a penfion.

The real ufurper is the wicked ruler over a poor people, by whatever means the power falls into his hands. And whenever it happens that the imperium ad optimum quemque a minus bono transfertur, the fubject is or fhould be too much interested in the fact to confider any character of the rejected ruler but his vicious ambition, the violence and injuftice of his counfels, and the flagitious acts by which they were executed.

Thefe petulant reflections of the Doctor on Milton, might, many of them, eafily be answered by recrimination; we have often wondered, in running over this new narrative, that the consciousness of the hiflorian's heart did not difable his hand for recording feveral things to the reproach of Milton, which rebound with double force on his own notorious conduct. Has he always believed that the government of the House of Hanover was lefs an ufurpation than that of Oliver Cromwell? Having tafted the honey of a penfion for writing minifterial pamphlets, would he feel no regret in returning once more to hunger and philofophy?

The Doctor perhaps will tell us, that he is in no danger of ftarv ing, even though his penfion fhould be fufpended to-morrow. Be it fo; and by what kind of proof will he fhew that Milton had no means of earning his bread but his political employment?

Milton however made the experiment, which happily Dr. Johnfón has not; and that too after the Reftoration; and refifted the temprations of court favour, and the folicitations of his wife to accept of it, with a magnanimity which would do him honour with any man but the author of the new narrative.

Rav. June, 1780.

I i

• Milton's

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Milton's reafon for rejecting this offer was, that "his with was to live and die an honest man." But, fays the Doctor, "if he "confidered the Latin Secretary as exercising any of the powers of government, he that had fhared authority, either with the parlia ment or Cromwell, might have forborn to talk very loudly of his honesty," p. 91.

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The venom of this remark happens to be too weak to do any mifchief. Cafuilts of all fects and complexions have done juftice to the honefty of men who adhered to their principles and perfuafions, though they might judge wrong in the choice of them.

He goes on, "And if he thought the office ministerial' only, he certainly might have boneftly retained it under the King." Not quite fo certainly. But Milton's and Dr. Johnson's notions of benefy are fo widely different, that we cannot admit the Doctor to estimate Milton's honefly by his own fcale. In the end, however, he questions the fact.

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"But this tale has too little evidence to deferve a diíquifition: large offers and flurdy rejections are among the most common topics of falsehood." That is, in plain unaffected English, “Nɔ man could ever reject a large offer, though on conditions ever fo repugnant to his profeffed principles." But the Doctor is but an individual, and his experience from his own particular cafe will not be admitted as the ftandard of other men's integrity; and yet this is the only reafon he gives for rejecting this anecdote, fo honourable to Milton.

Milton's attachment to Cromwell was evidently founded on different confiderations. The narrowness of the Prefbyterians in their notions of Liberty, and particularly of religious liberty, had appeared upon many occafions. He more than hints, in his Areopagitica, their inclination to govern by the epifcopal and oppreffive maxims of the Stuart race. He faw and abhorred their attempts to thackle the faith of Proteftants and Chriftians in the bonds of fyllems, confeffions, tefts, and fubfcriptions.'

The lamentable influence of party prejudices cannot more forcibly be illuftrated than by comparing, with our ingenious, Author, the different treatment that Dryden and Milton have experienced at the hands of the fame Biographer.

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The Doctor, in fpeculating upon Dryden's perverfion to Popery, and fas one of the Reviewers of his prefaces expreffes it)" attempting ingenioufly to extenuate it," concludes that, Enquiries into the beart are not for man.

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No truly, not when Dryden's apoftacy is to be extenuated; but when poor Milton's fins are to be ingeniously aggravated, no Spanish Inquifitor more sharp-fighted to difcern the devil playing his pranks in the heart of the poor culprit, or more ready to conduct him to an auto de fe.

• In Dryden's cafe, the prefumption is, that "a comprehenfive is "likewife an elevated foul, and that whoever is wife, is likewife "honeft." But if it is natural to hope this, why not hope it of Milton as well as of Dryden? Where is the competent impartial judge who will admit, that Milton's foul was lefs comprehenfive or lefs elevated than the foul of Dryden ?

⚫ But

But what occafion for all this grimace in accounting for Dryden's tranfition from what he did or did not profefs to the church of Rome? Dr. Johnson ought to have been fatisfied with Dryden's own account in his tale of the Hind and the Panther; the rather, as he there feems to have verified by experience Dr. Johnion's maxim, that he that is of no church can have no religion." He frankly confeffes, that having no fteady principle of religion in his youth, or even in his maturer years, he finally fet up his reft in the church of Rome and indeed if the effentials of religion confift in the trappings of a church, he could not have made a better choice *.

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Dryden was reprehenfible even to infamy for his own vices, and the licentious encouragement he gave in his writings to those of others. But he wrote an anti-republican poem called Abfalom and Achitophel; and Dr. Johnfon, a man of high pretenfions to moral character, calls him a wife and an honeft man. Miiton was a man of the chafteft manners, both in his converfation and his writings. But he wrote Iconoclaftes, and in the fame Dr. Johnson's esteem was both a knave and a fool.

• The church of Rome fubftitutes orthodoxy for every virtue under heaven. And loyalty among the high Royalifts canonizes every rafcal and profligate with a full and plenary abfolution. These are, it is true, amongst the vileft and meanett partialities of the defpotic faction; and Dr. Johnfon, confcious of his merit in other departments, should blush, and be humbled, to be found in the lift of fuch miferables.'

From the specimens exhibited it will be no difficult matter to form an idea of the nature and fpirit of the performance under confideration. The Writer feems actuated by a generous concern for the reputation of an injured individual, and by a truly patriotic regard for the general liberties of mankind; which he thinks, and perhaps not without reafon, have been infidiously attacked by a masked battery directed at the moral character of Milton, one of Liberty's most zealous and respectable advocates. Thefe Remarks, fo far as they immediately relate to Dr. Johnson, are closed with a Differtation on his motives for compofing the fpeech delivered by the late unhappy Dr. Dodd, when he was about to hear the fentence of the law pronounced upon him, in confequence of an indictment for forgery. Though this, certainly, is a fubject which will naturally excite much curious fpeculation, yet its introduction here does not appear fufficiently authorized by propriety, as it feems to bear not the remoteft relation to the point in debate. C-r-t,

* Bp. Burnet fpeaking of Dryden's converfion, fays, "If his grace and his wit improve both proportionably, we fhall hardly find that he hath gained much by the change he has made, from having no religion to chufe one of the worst." Reply to Mr. Varillas, p.

139.

Ii2

MONTHLY

MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For JUNE, 1780.

POLITICAL.

Art. 14. Proposals for paying great Part of the National Debt, and reducing Taxes, immediately. By Robert Bird, Efq. 8vo. 1. Dodley. 1780.

Mic

R. Bird begins with fetting forth the great burdens which are borne by the fubject in confequence of the vaft accumulation of the national debt; and fhews, that we are not to estimate the fum raised on the fubject by the very finall one which is paid into the Treasury. He first fuppofes, that the expence of collecting the feveral taxes amounts to a fourth part of the fum levied; which we make no doubt is the cafe, at least, in the customs, which Mr. B. brings as an example; but we much doubt whether it amounts to fo much in fome others, as the excife, the land-tax, &c. However, granting this, and that the feveral dealers, through whofe hands the commodities pafs to the confumer, retain each a profit of 12 per cent. he fhews, that for every 15 1. which is paid into the Treafury from the customs, no lefs a fum than 28 1. 1 s. 11 d. is raised on the fubject, Mr. Bird, from Sir Matthew Decker, inftances in the case of the fhoe-maker, who not only lays the tax, impofed on the leather, on his fhoes, but the intereft of the money that he has advanced to pay that tax, and alfo a proportionable part of the money which every tradesman he dealt with for the neceffarics of life had laid on his goods: thefe Sir Matthew enumerates, to the number of twelve dif ferent taxes, which the fhoe-maker muft lay on his fhoes, that he may be able to fubfift as well as he did formerly.

Had Mr. Bird but fortunately carried this confideration a little further, and remarked that, in confequence of this cordial agreement of all parties to tax their own commodities, the gentleman raises his rents, the farmer his hay and corn, and even the day-labourer has raised his hire from 8 d. to 12 d. a day within thefe zo years; he would have found that we are, on the whole, notwithstanding the complex operation of the taxes which he speaks of, every one of us pretty much in the fame fituation that we were before, and that it only requires a greater quantity of fpecie to circulate amongst us. We ought, perhaps, to except the poor foldier, and a few other perfons, who fubfit on falaries, which have been long fince established, and who, by their peculiar fituations or employments, can neither create perquifites to their places, nor cheat their employers, as the excifemen, cuftom-houfe officers, and fome others who are in this fituation do. Perhaps among these few poor wretches who fuffer on this account (for they are but comparatively few) we ought to include the poor Reviewer, who, notwithstanding he pays his quota to the fhoe-maker, &c. (unless indeed he goes without thoes) fells his Reviews at the fame price he did thirty years ago.

But, feriously, the only thing to be apprehended in this affair is, that by every man thus increafing the price of his labour, or the profits on his goods, the prices of our exports may be fo increased

that

that other nations will underfell us, and by that means deprive us of a market for our manufactures.—But this we well know is not the case yet. How foon it may be, God only knows; but it will be then, and then only, that we can poffibly feel the burdens which Mr. Bird fpeaks of until then, they are merely imaginary. Mr. Bird does indeed fay that this evil has actually overtaken us, and that we have already loft the greater part of our foreign trade. He must give us leave to doubt this, for, in most of our manufactures, men are more wanted than work at prefent-May it ever remain fo!

Mr. Bird's fcheme for paying this enormous debt depends on a calculation which we much fear can never be verified; or put in prac tice until men are made differently from what they now are, or, we fear, ever will be. He estimates the whole landed property of Great Britain at 1000 millions, and perfonal property at as much. All this may be very true, for aught that we know, and we hope it is. But, here comes the rub: every man is to give in a true eftimate of his whole property, and yield up to government a twentieth part of it; which when every one has beneftly done, if there be any truth in arithmetic, and the above eftimation of property, it will amount to 100 millions. The national debt he eflimates at 180 millions; 140 millions of this he fuppofes belong to ourselves, and the rcmaining 40 millions to foreigners: this 140 millions he propofes to pay off at 60 per cent.; at which price he thinks the holders of ftock will have a good bargain; and at this rate, 140 millions will be paid off with 84 millions; confequently, 16 millions will be left, at the difpofal of the Firfi Lord of the Treafury, to be applied to the fervices of the enfuing year, or to the payment of unfunded debts. We cannot help remarking, that it is very probable most of the Stockholders will think differently from Mr. Bird, and look on themfelves as hardly dealt with, in being obliged to part with their flock for 60 per cent, which many of them bought at 9, and fome at more than par, and have to give up one-twentieth of what may remain afterwards: but we apprehend they may reft fatisfied that this will not fpeedily be required of them. W. Art. 15. Strictures on a Pamphlet entitled " Facts to Landhold ers, Stockholders, &c." By a Volunteer. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Faulder. 1780.

This volunteer in the fervice of Administration has confidered the celebrated pamphlet entitled Facts, &c. [See Review for January laft]with great attention, and offers many remarks on that performance, which appear to merit the regard of the Public: we should always bear the other fide.

Art. 16. A Letter from a Gentleman in the English House of Commons, in Vindication of his Conduct, with regard to the Affairs of Ireland. Addressed to a Member of the Irish Parliament. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Bew. 1780.

By a Gentleman in the English Houfe of Commons,' we are to understand-Mr. Edmund Burke-whofe parliamentary conduct, with regard to the late national advantages to fuccefsfully contended for by Ireland, is the fubject of this very mafterly apology. We have no doubt that this letter is the genuine production of Mr. Burke's elegant

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