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p. 58] fhould have reflected that a Monthly Reviewer may not be able, with all his wits about him, to exprefs, in the compass of four or five lines, the precife meaning which his Author has at large conveyed, perhaps in as many pages; fo as to escape the piercing eye of an author, or of an attentive and warm friend. The Re viewer's meaning, in thefe two fentences, would, however, to a less strict reader, moft probably appear to be this:that Dr. Duncan originally conceived a defire of mixing in the Priestleyan controverfy respecting the Soul; but wished to divert the attention of the Public from the metaphyfical confideration of the subject.

In fact, the Reviewer, in the firft of these two fentences, ufes the phrafe-" the late controverfy concerning the materiality of the foul"-merely as a general name or title, by which he meant to defign the controverfy refpecting the foul: and it is not a "palpable abfurdity," as our Correfpondent chooses to express himself, to say that Dr. Duncan wifhed to write on the fubject; though he difliked the metaphyfical turn which the controverfy had taken.-But even the paffage, literally taken, can scarce, except by the captious, be faid to involve a palpable abfurdity. A man may furely "conceive a defare of offering his fentiments on the fubje&" of a metaphyfical controverfy; and yet, very confiftently, wish to diffuade the Public from attending to the fubject heretofore metaphyfically treated; and may recommend a better mode of treating it. If this implies an absurdity, the guilt is Dr. Duncan's, not the Reviewer's.

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Our Correfpondent makes a remark likewise on our note at the bottom of p. 6o; where he thinks we have left too much to the fagacity of our Readers. The Reviewer has not, at prefent, access to the book itself; but would willingly here fubjoin the context with which our Correfpondent has favoured us in his letter, were it there presented in such a manner as to throw light upon the subject. B...y.

• T. S. recommends to our notice, a mifcellaneous publication, by Mr. Charles Graham, of Penrith. The book has not been advertised for fale in London; but if it fhould fall in our way, we muft, in course, mention it to our Readers: meantime, the fpecimen which this Correspondent hath fent us, excites no impatience in us to peruse the other compofitions of a perfon whofe natural capacity fo evidently wants the advantages of literary cultivation. Without thofe advantages, it cannot be expected that illiterate mechanics' will ever arrive at any eminence in the republic of letters; or that their writings fhould be confidered as a valuable addition to our li braries which are, indeed, greatly over-ftocked with the compofitions of minor poets, and minor profe-writers, of every elafs and denomination.

+++ We acknowledge the receipt of B.'s communications; but he has mistaken the plan of the Monthly Review. Our Journal is not fupported by contributions from persons unknown.

Our Correfpondent's expreffion.

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THE

MONTHLY REVIEW,

For MA Y, 1780.

ART. I. The Hiftory of the Establishment of the Reformation of Religion in Scotland. By Gilbert Stuart, LL. D. 4to. Boards. Murray. 1780.

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10 s. 6 d.

F all events in the hiftory of Scotland, the reformation of religion is the most curious, and the most important. When we confider the nature and magnitude of the event itself, the wonderful means by which it was effected, and the many extraordinary circumftances by which it was accompanied, there is reafon to expect that, as this great revolution is fufceptible of a high degree of hiftorical ornament, it ought to have been treated with the moft induftrious exertions of cultivated genius. But if a fubject peculiarly adapted to entertain the fancy, and to intereft the paffions of the reader, fhould not have met with an eloquent, it was ftill to be wished that it should meet with a comprehenfive and an impartial hiftorian. Yet in the general hiftories of Scotland, the introduction of the reformed religion is not explained with that circumftantial minuteness which the fubject requires; and in the books written profeffedly concerning ecclefiaftical affairs, there is often an improper mixture of prejudice and controverfy, which renders the perufal of them tire fome and difagreeable to the generality of readers. In order to remedy these defects, Dr. Stuart has given to the Public the performance before us, in which it has been his earneft endeavour to exercise that precision, which is not usually expected from the general hiftorian, and that impartiality which is never to be found in the apologist of a faction.'

The origin, progrefs, and final establishment of opinions, which produced a total change in the religious, and a confiderable change in the civil ftate of half the nations of Europe, have been illuftrated by the ingenious labours of feveral of the moft eminent VOL. LXII.

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eminent modern hiftorians. The great and general caufes of the reformation are to be difcovered in the abfurd doctrines of Popery, the profligate lives of priests, and the rapid diffufion of knowledge, which, after the invention of printing, took place in the fifteenth and fixteenth centuries. Thefe caufes operated alike in the feveral countries of Europe which embraced the reformed faith; but the particular mode of reformation adopted by each community, depended on a series of events, which, as they are lefs palpable and obvious, have generally efcaped obfervation. To point out, and to explain the events of this kind which immediately produced the ecclefiaftical eftablifhment peculiar to Scotland, is the principal fubject of the work before us; which, we will venture to pronounce, is the cleareft and moft comprehenfive, as well as the moft entertaining performance that we have met with refpecting this important branch of history.

In explaining the immediate and particular caufes of reformation, great attention ought to be paid to the characters of the principal agents employed by Providence to effect this remarkable revolution. Dr. Stuart has bestowed on this part of his fubject the attention which it deferves, and he displays equal industry and ingenuity in defcribing the motives, manners, and character of the perfons introduced on the fcene of action.

a fpecimen of his abilities in this way, we fhall take the liberty of inferting his character of Lord James Stuart, who was the chief promoter of reformation in Scotland.

• This illuftrious man was the natural fon of James V. by Margaret, the daughter of John Lord Erefkine. He had been appointed, at an early age, to the priory of St. Andrews; but he poffeffed not that pacific mind, which, uninterefted in the present world, delights to look to the future, and to bufy itself in the indolent formalities of devotion. The activity of his nature compelled him to feek agitation and employment; the perturbed period in which he lived fupplied him with fcenes of action; and the eminence of his abilities difplayed itself. He difcovered a paffion for liberty and a zeal for religion; and he diftinguished himfelf by an openness and fincerity of carriage. These popular qualities pleafed the Congregation, and procured to him their confidence. The love of liberty, however, was not, in him, the effect of patriotifm, but of pride; his zeal for religion was a political virtue; and under the appearance of opennefs and fincerity, he could conceal more fecurely his purpofes. Power was the idol which he worshipped; and he was ready to acquire it by methods the most criminal. He was bold, firm, and penetrating. His various mind fitted him alike for intrigue and for He was deftined to flourish in the midft of difficulties. His fagacity enabled him to forefee dangers, his prudence to prepare for them, and his fortitude to furmount them. To his talents, his genius, and his refources, Scotland is indebted for the Reformation.

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But by this memorable atchievement, he meant nothing more than to advance himself in the road to greatnefs. To this point all his actions were directed. It gave the limits to his generofity, which has been extolled as unbounded. His praife, his carefles, and his fervices, his diffimulation, his perfidioufnefs, and his enmities. were all facrifices to ambition: and mifcarriage, which has ravished fo many laurels from great men, did not tarnish his glory. His fuccefs was fo confpicuous, that he feemed to have the command of fortune.'

From the merit of this fpecimen we are led to regret that the Author has not attempted to give a delineation of the character of the famous John Knox. Dr. S. has probably restrained himself from this undertaking, because Knox had been fo often painted by former writers, of great reputation. We could with, however, that he had ftill added a few strokes of his pencil, which, we are perfuaded, would not have hurt the resemblance, and which, indeed, was to have been expected on this occafion, as Knox is fo capital a figure in a reformation piece, that he has a juft title to be placed in the foreground, and to be drawn at full length.

Dr. S. difcovers a happy talent for relating political trans actions and debates; of which we have a ftriking example in his account of the project of the Queen Regent, for introducing a ftanding army into Scotland.

In another improvement, which the Queen Regent attempted by the advice of her French council, the manners and genius of the nation were not fufficiently confulted. There are precautions and inftitutions of great utility in themselves, which do not fuit particular conditions of fociety, and which politicians and statesmen cannot establish with propriety or fuccefs, till circumstances and time have pointed out and illustrated their expediency. Though a ftanding army had been long familiar to the French, there could be nothing fo impracticable as its introduction at this time into Scotland, which was governed by the free and peculiar maxims of the feudal law. Yet the Queen Regent was induced to venture the experiment. It was propofed that the poffeffions of every proprietor of land in the kingdom fhould be valued and entered into regifters; and that a proportional payment fhould be made by each. The application of this fund was to maintain a regular and standing body of foldiers. This guard or army, it was urged, being at all times in readiness to march against an enemy, would protect effectually the frontiers; and there would no longer be any neceffity for the nobles to be continually in motion on every rumour of hoftility or incurfion from English invaders. No art, however, or argument, could recommend thefe measures. A perpetual tax and a standing army were conceived to be the genuine characteristics of defpotifm. All ranks of men confidered themfelves to be infulted and abufed; and three hundred tenants of the crown affembling at Edinburgh, and giving way to their indignation, fent their remonstrances to the Queen Regent in a strong and expreffive language.

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They informed her, that their ancestors had been able not only to protect Scotland, but to acquire renown by carrying their arms into England. They were not degenerated from their ancestors; and England was now lefs powerful. No neceffity existed for a humiliating taxation, and for bands of mercenaries. The lives and eftates of all the landed proprietors of the nation were at its call. Soldiers, allured with pay, had no fentiment of honour. It was a wild infatuation to confide in them in preference to men who fought for every thing that was most dear to them, their country, their reputation, their families, their fortunes. Money was a feeble tie of duty, and the fervice it bought was cold and languid. And, if mercenaries, when they atchieved their beft, were ineffectual and without zeal as a defence and a barrier, it ought to be remembered that this defence or this barrier, weak as it was, could not be relied upon as certain and fecure. A higher bribe could compass its treachery; and the kings of England knew how to apply their treafures. In confenting to the elevation of the Queen Regent, they had expreffed the good opinion they entertained of her; but whatever confidence they might repofe in the rectitude of her intentions, they were not fure that this tax, and this army, for which the was fo anxious, would not be abused by their own princes. From fuch innovations the most deftructive calamities might proceed. They refpected their conftitution as facred; and in its ftability they acknowledged a decifive proof of the wifdom with which it had been framed. They could not, therefore, fubmit to any mockery of its forms, and were not difposed to surrender any of their natural or political rights. If the fundamental principles of their compact and union were invaded, they would yield to the duties which they owed to themselves and to pofterity; and, drawing their fwords, would employ them to uphold that venerable fabric, which had been built and cemented by the valour and the blood of their ancestors.'

We fhall not attempt to give any fummary of the transactions which, in the courfe of about thirty years, led to the final fettlement of the Prefbyterian form of worship in Scotland; an event which happened in the beginning of the year fifteen hundred and fixty-one. There is a rapidity in Dr. Stuart's narration which makes it agreeable to read, but renders it difficult to abridge his work. We fhall therefore conclude this Article with the fenfible, manly, and fpirited reflections which we find at the end of this inftructive and entertaining hiftory.

I have thus endeavoured to defcribe the rife, progrefs, and establishment of the Reformation in Scotland; employing a narrative which aims at fimplicity, and which is ambitious to record the truth. From the order and the laws of our nature it perpetually happens that advantages are mixed with misfortune. The conflicts which led to a purer religion, while they excite, under one afpect, the liveliest tranfports of joy, create, in another, a mournful fentiment of fympathy and compaffion. Amidst the felicities which were obtained, and the trophies which were won, we deplore the melancholy ravages of the paffions, and weep over the ruins of ancient magnificence. But while the contentions and the ferments of men, even in the road

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