After giving this noble Writer on mineralogy, the titles of the most skilful mineralogist and metallurgist, and of an indefatigable observer and experimentalist; and after reciting the partigilars of his method of clarifying mineral substances, he thus Characterises his work:

« On this performance we may pronounce the same judgment that was pafled formerly by Stahl, on the Phyfica subterranea of Becher : that it is “ opus fine pari.The Author did not found his method on the reasonings of others; but on his own observations, deduced from experiments made with inde. fatigable labour: although he acknowledges, that the foundations of it, with respect to earths and stones, were laid by Pott, in his Lithog.

We cannot however deny, that this system is too sublime and obscure, and that it is not exempt from blemishes: but it is to be observed, that it was no: formed for the use of those who attend too much to the external appearance or figure of follil bodies ; but for the advantage of métallurgists, who are too frequently imposed upon by their attention to these exterior characteristics. The Author himself acknowledged the imperfections of his work, and accordingly concealed his name; well knowing that, in this life, perfection is not attainable by man,'

In the last of the two feetions, into which this work is divided, the Author treats of the proper method of forming systems of mineralogy. The systematical writers on mineralogy may, themselves, be distributed into three classes. The first of these consists of those who have formed their systems merely on external appearances ; such as the structure, figure, colour, pellucidity, and other sensible and obvious qualities of mineral substances. This has been called the artificial, and fill more properly, superficial, method. Others, with much more propriety attending to things rather than appearances, have formed their method of classing foffils, on the interior compofition, or true nature of mineral bodies, as discovered by chemistry. According to this method, which may justly be called 'natural, chalk or calcareous earth, and marble, notwithstanding their different appearance, come under the same class, as being

of the same nature, and differing only with respect to external accidents or circumstances. In establishing this method, CronBiedt deserves all, and more than all, the praise which the Author has above bestowed upon him. The third and last method may be called mixed, and is that which has been adopted by the Author, in his own Systema Mineralogicum, printed in 1772 and 1775. This consists in employing both the extrinsical and intrinsical methods, where that can be done, in determining the characters of the genera and orders: or in determining the genera and orders by the intrinsic qualities, or true nature, Rev. Feb. 1780.



of the subjects; and the species, by the extrinsical criteria.-On this subject the Reader will meet with many judicious obfervations, made by a person well versed in the subject on which he treats.


For FEBRUARY, 1780.

Art. 15. The Commercial Restraints of Ireland considered. In a

series of Letters to a noble Lord. Containing an Historical Ac-
count of the Affairs of that Kingdom, so far as they relate to this
Subject. 8vo. 3$. fewed. Longman. 1780.

UBJECTS of this nature may be surveyed in two different viewed. The citizen of the world, who argues liberally from the general rights of all mankind, will totally reprobate the sovereign controul exercised by any one nation over another. The patriot, who, on comparison with the other, is a narrow-minded man, who confines his views to the welfare and prosperity of the inhabitants of a particular soil ; and to which all the influence they can acquire over others, is to be rendered fubfervient; he will stretch the arm of power as far as it will extend, over all foreign dependencies, in every respect likely to weaken the sovereignty claimed, or to interfere with the particular interests of the over-ruling Nate.

The former is indeed a visionary, a man of mere speculation, to whom no goverment will or can listen; because, as the barriers of nature and human institutions have determined mankind to unite in distinct communities, separate and interfering in intereits; all history will evince, that power can only be ftemmed by power. The latter, then, is the man of the world; whose principles only, being adapted to actual circumstances around us, can be carried into execution : and we find in national contentions, that after all argument is exhausted, power is the ultima ratio.

There are however different degrees of patriotism. It may sometimes centre in a single town, and wish to monopolize those advantages, which a mind somewhat more enlarged would willingly communicate to all within a particular province ; a third fill more liberal, may include all England in his benevolent intentions, but with a most bitter antipathy to Scotland : a fourth may kindly take Scotland in, to comprehend the whole island. A fifth may incline, from convenience and good neighbourhood, to view Great Brisain and Ireland with an equal eye, dcem their mutual interests inseparable ; and think this natural union capable of withstanding the ambitious schemes of all our envious neighbours. How much farther, an experience of human nature, and a survey of national circumstances over the face of the globe, will justify an ex:ension of political liberality, may be left as an exercise for the ingenuity of political leisure. In such diffusive schemes of legislative benevolence, how. ever, a caution ought to be observed, against reasoning on the transactions of nations toward each other, from those of individuals ; 6


against rikking security, by heedless bounty; and against reling confequences on gratitude for benefits conferred. No consideration ever withholding a people from afferting what they deem their particular interest, the moment they perceive it, and feel themselves equal to the attempt. National gratitude, in this view, is political nonsense.

It is patural to take up the treatise now before us, in the character of the last gradation of patriotism stated above; and to wish all the distresses of Ireland removed, not because the inhabitants are men like ourselves, for fo are our most inveterate enemies; but for the best reason in the world, because Ireland is a contiguous member of the fame body politic; her proximity of fituation dictating considera. tions on both sides, that could not take place in equal degrees, were the island a thousand leagues removed from that of Britain. The intelligent Author, who writes froin Dublin, gives a clear hillorical detail of the commercial circumstances of Ireland, in an easy epillolary flyle; from which it appears, that the present distreftes of that country originated with the prohibition of exporting woollen manufactores, which was imposed toward the latter end of the reign of William lll. To check the natural trade of a country, is certainly the most direct mode of diilrelling it; for as this writer obferves, • a country will sooner recover from the miseries and devastation oc. cafioned by war, invasion, rebellion, massacre, than from laws restraining the commerce, discouraging the manufactures, fettering the industry, and above all, breaking the spirits of the people.'

It would be tedious to the generality of our readers, to enter into the dry detail of acts of parliament and commercial regulations and calculations ; in the present train of things, the conclusion of this feries of letters may fuffice to convey an idea of the general subject.

. In extraordinary cafes, where the facts are stronger than the voice of the pleader, it is not unusual to allow the client to speak for him. felf. Will you, my lord, one of the leading advocates for Ireland, allow her to address her elder sister, and to itate her own case ; not in the strains of passion or resentment, nor in the tone of remonArance, but with a modett enumeration of unexaggerated facts in pathetic fimplicity; she will tell her, with a countenance full of affection acd tenderness, “ I have received from you invaluable gifts, the law of common right, your great charter, and the fundamentals of your conftirution. The temple of liberty in your country, has been frequently fortified, improved and embellished; mine erected many centuries since the perfect model of your own; you will not suffer mę to ftrengthen, secure, or repair; firm and well cemented as it is, it mult moulder under the hand of Time for want of that attention, which is due to the venerable fabric t. We are connected by the Brongest cies of rarural affection, common security, and a long in terchange of the kindeft offices on both fides. But for more than a

* The common law of England.

+ Heads of bill: for passing into a law the habeas corpus act, and that for making the tenure of judges during good behaviour, have repeatedly passed che Irish house of commons, but were not returned.

century fent

M 2

century you have, in some instances, mistaken our mutual interest. I fent you my herds and my flocks, filled your people with abundance, and gave them leisure to attend to more profitable pursuits than the humble employment of shepherds and of herdsmen. But you rejected my produce *, and reprobated this intercourse in terms the most opprobrious. I submitted ; the temporary loss was mine, but the perpetual prejudice your own. I incited my children to induitry, and gave them my principal materials to manufacture t. Their honest labours were attended with moderate succes, but fuf. ficient to awaken the commercial jealousy of some of your sons; indulging their groundless apprehensions, you desired my materials and discouraged the industry of my people. I complied with your wishes, and gave to your children the bread of my own; but the enemies of our race were the gainers; they applied themselves with tenfold increase to those pursuits which were reftrained in my peo. ple, who would have added to the wealth and strength of your empire what by this fatal error you transferred to foreign nations. You held out another object to me, with promises of the utmost encouragement f. I wanted the means, but I obtained them from other countries, and have long cultivated, at great expence, and with the most unremitted efforts, that species of industry which you recommended. You foon united with another great family $, engaged in the same pursuit, which you were also obliged to encourage among them, and afterwards embarked in it yourself, and became my rival in that which you had destined for my principal support. This fupport is now become inadequate to the increased number of my offspring, many of whom want the means of subsistence. My ports are ever hospitably open for your reception, and hut, whenever your interelt requires it, againit all others; but your's are in many instances barred against me: with your dominions in Asia, Africa, and America, my ?ons were long deprived of all beneficial intercourse ; and yet to those colonies I transported my treasures for the payment of your armies, and in a war waged for their defence, one hundred thousand of my runs fought by your side llConqueft attended our arms. You gained a great increase of empire and of commerce ; and my people a farther extension of restraints and prohibitions to In those efforts I have exhautted my strength, mortgaged my terri. tories, and am now sinking under the pressure of enormous debts contracted from my zealous attachment to your intereits, to the extenfion of your empire, and the increase of your glory. By the pre

• The English act of Ch. II. calls the importation of cattle from Ireland, a common nuisance. + Wool. I The linen manufacture.

Scotland. || This number of Irishmen was computed to have served in the Aeets and armies of Great Britain during the last war.

+ • The furs of Canada, the indigo of Florida, the sugars of Dominica, St. Vincent's, and the Grenades, with every other valuable production of those acquisitions, Ireland was prohibited to receive but through another channel. Her poverty scarcely gathered a crumb from the sumptuous table of her sister.'

fent unhappy war for the recovery of those colonies, from which they were long excluded, my children are reduced to the lowest eb5 of poverty and distress. It is true, you have lately with the kindest intentions, allowed me an extensive liberty of selling to the inhabite ants of those parts of your empire, but they have no inducement to buy, because I cannot take their produce in return. Your liberality has ppened a new fountain, but your caution will not suffer me to

A from it. The stream of commerce, intended to refresh the exhausted frength of my children, flies unsafed from their parched hips.

The common parent of all has been equally beneficent to us both. We both posless in great abundance the means of industry and of happiness. My fields are not less fertile, nor my harbours less numerous than your's. My sons are not !ess renowned than your own for valour, justice, and generofiry. Many of them are your descendents, and have some of your best blood in their veins. But the narrow policy of man has counteracted the intiincts and the boun:ies of nature. In the midst of those fertile fields, some of my children perih before my eyes for want of food, and others fly for refuge to hoftile nations.

“ Saffer no longer, respected fister, the narrow jealousy of commerce to mislead the wisdom and to impair the strength of the state. Increase my resources, they shall be your's ; my riches and strength, my poverty and weakness will become your own. What a triumph to our enemies, and what an afi&tion to me, in the present distracted circumstances of the empire, to see my people reduced, by the neceflity of avoiding famine, to the resolution of trafficking almost solely with themselves! Great and powerful enemies are combined againit you, many of your distant connections have deserted you, increase your itrength at home, open and extend the numerous resources of my country, of which you have not hitherto availed your. self or allowed me the benefit. Our increased force, and the full exertions of our strength, will be the most effe&tual means of resistjag the combination formed against you by foreign enemies and distant subjects, and of giving new luttre to our crowns, and happiness and contentment to our people.”

The voice of our Gifter has been attended to, and she has since expressed herself in the language of acknowledgment, and reconciliation.

N. Art. 16. Terms of Conciliation : or, Considerations on a Free

Trade in Ireland; on Pensions on the Irish Establishment; and on an Union with Ireland. Addressed to the Duke of Northumberland. 8vo. 25. Millidge. 1779.

This loose, vague declamation displays just knowledge enough to furnith out an oration for Coachmaker's-Hall, or any other fix-penny club for beer and politics. Who the writer is, does not appear, but we are more than once given to understand, that a disregard of his advice produced all our American troubles : poffibly then, the dread of neglecting him a second time, may have proved a lucky circumRance for Ireland at this juncture.


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