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The third pretext was, that the Rajah had made war on the princes or Polygars of Marawar and Nalcooty, whom the Na. bob alleged to be his dependants.-The fact of the war is ada mitted; but the sovereignty of the Rajah being acknowledged, (which was allowed by the Presidency in 1772, and by the Nabob himself in 1762) he must be at liberty to right himself on bis neighbours who had injured him. The Nabob had be. fore expresied, in the strongest terms, his desire that no protection should be given to the Marawar princes : he even ac. knowledged the justice of the war by calling the territories in dispute the King of Tanjore's country. Yet he clandestinely incited the Polygars to hoftilities, while he was preparing to make war with the Rajah for having a quarrel with them. On inquiry, it has appeared that there is no proof of these Polygars having any dependence on the Nabob, and their sovereignty is found to be ancient and hereditary.
The result of this war, undertaken on such frivolous pretexts, was, that Tanjore, after suffering great devastation and plunder, was obliged, in 1771, to submit to pay near 700,000 l. and to such other terms as the Nabob thought fit to exact.
At the very instant in which this treaty, so advantageous to the Nabob, was concluded, the Presidency sent orders not to restore or demolish the fort of Vallum, according to the agreement, but to have it sufficiently garrisoned, under the pretext of an apprehension that the Rajah would not perform all the articles of the agreement: they asserted that he equivocated, and immediately annulled the treaty. But no proof or explanation is given of this equivocation. And the truth is, the Rajah did not equivocate, or hesitate to fulfil the agreement. On the evidence of the Nabob's own minister, Nazib Khan, it appears that the jewels taken from the Marawars were delivered to the Nabob's eldest son, and that the King of Tanjore offered bills, the same day, for nine lacks out of the fourteen agreed to be paid, and engaged to pay the remainder the Monday following.
On this the Nabob's eldest son hesitated on the infraction of the treaty; but his younger brother broke through it at once, on no other pretence than that his father's pleasure must, by all means, be preserved. In this manner the treaty of 1770 was broken, and a second made agreeable to the Nabob's pleasure, which however, two years after, he found means to dira solve. The Presidency, having only agreed to, not ratified the last treaty, thought themselves at liberty to act contrary to it, as guardians of the public peace.
Solely on the charge of the Rajah's enemy, the Nabob him. self, with only four days deliberation, the Presidency declared his right to protection forfeited, and that it was dangerous to
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fuffet him to exist as a power. The first particular of the Nabob's charge is, that by advice confirmed by the Company's refident ac Poonah, the Rajah had endeavoured to bring the Ma. fattas into the Carnatic. This charge is made wijhout any direct information to the Presidency, and refts wholly on the word of the Nabob: and from the account sent by the Prefi- , dency to the Company it appears, that whatever was the negociation, it arofe from a just dread which the Rajab entertained of the Nabob's infincerity and evil designs against Tanjore. The second charge is, that the Rajah had given the Nabob no alfistance against the Polygais, but had received them, and fupplied them with ammunition. Of this no proof is given : befide, it must be remembered, that the Nabob had just quarrelled with the Rajah, for making war on these very Polygars, and now, for not making war upon them, and that these contradicfory charges were made at the interval of about two months, without alleging. any act of rebellion subsequent to the time in which he considered them as under his protection. A third charge is, that the Rajah had taken fome runaway Polygars under bis protection, and given them a residence. As the nature of the crime of these runaways is not specified, and no other proof of the fact is given but the word of the Nabob, it Cannot merit notice. The fourth charge is, that the Rajah had, under the plea of borrowing money, mortgaged some districts of the Tanjore country to the Dutch, French, and Danes. The whole amount of this charge is, that the Nabob forces the Rajah, by invasions and violent extortions, to mortgage some of his territories, and then makes that mortgage a reason for robbing him of all the remainder. The last charge is, that the Rajah had refused to pay the money agreed for by treaty, ten lacks still remaining due. Though this charge was admitted by the Presidency without inquiry, the fact is, that this money was, at the time of the accusation, actually paid, The Rajah, notwithstanding the exhausted state of his finances, had borrowed money of Comora, an Hindoo, for this purpose, and pledged a territorial revenue for the payment. This Comora drew bills on his master, Paul Benfield, the Nabob's banker, for the amount, which bills (by Mr. Benfield's own confeffion) were in the Nabob's or his banker's hands. On these light grounds, which the Presidency took up on the bare word of the Nabob, the war was renewed, under the protection of the English arms in 1773, which issued in the plunder of four millions sterling of the wealth of Tanjore, and the conquest of the country.
Such is the evidence (which must be allowed to carry with it much appearance of truth) on which this Writer justifies the conduct of the Directors of the East-India Company in restoring
Tanjore to its former fovereign. He subjoins some general remarks on the impropriety and injustice of making conquests for the Mahometan princes in India : and concludes with a wish, in which all true friends to the rights of humanity, without deciding to which party the guilt of oppression belongs, may concur: • It is hoped that the active partizans of oppreilion, by officiously bringing these matters into discussion, will rouse the humanity and justice of his Majesty, this nation, and the Company, in favour of the unhappy nations, princes, and people, who are under our protection, and from whom we de. rive infinite benefits.'
Art. VII. Poems, by a young Nobleman, of distinguished Abilities,
lately deceased; particularly the State of England, and the once Aourishing City of London. In a Letter from an American Tra. veller, dated from the ruinous Portico of St. Paul's, in the Year 2199, to a Friend festled in Boston, the Metropolis of the Western Empire. Also, fundry fugitive Pieces, principally wrote whilst upon his Travels on the Continent. 4to. 2 s. 6 d. Kearily. 1780. THE Nobleman, who is supposed to have been the AuI thor of these Poems, was sufficiently notorious. Nature had beitowed upon him considerable talents : these talents, under the care of a most excellent father, had met with the highest cultivation. Such were the advantages with which he entered into life. Unfortunately both for himself and for the world, there was something still wanting to give a proper direction to those abilities for which he was soon distinguished. Devoted, unhappily, to the pursuit of pleasure, he seems to have been one of those who emancipate themselves from every principle which opposes the gratification of their ruling appetite. A mind enslaved by vice, and enfeebled by a constant attention to low and fordid enjoyments, seems incapable of that dignity and ele. vation which are so effential to true poetry. Hence it may be that we meet with so few marks of those distinguished abilities which are announced in the title-page of these poems. Though we indeed expected not the "i dignity of verse,” we yet looked for brilliancy and wit. In this respect, however, we are allo disappointed. The first poem, the State of England in the year 2199, is heavy and unanimated. Neither force of genius nor grace of fancy are displayed in it. A Bostonian is supposed to visit the ruins of London; a poor emaciated Briton, who officiates as Ciceroni, is his attendant. After expatiating on the different objects that had engaged their attention, they
O'ergrown with rank and noisome weeds, and here
nen Brito rank and noi proceed into"; they
And mingled indignation thus exclaim'd.
At Britain's downfall.The only attempt at any thing like poetical description, is in the passage that immediately follows:
- thought revolv'd on thought,
And clotted gore, his fable armour pierc'd
With many a shaft, upon his bruis'd limbs
In bloody characters.
The second piece in the collection is addressed to Lady Catharine A-n1-y, on her departure for Ireland. This, as well as the poem that immediately follows it, addressed to a friend from Venice, contains some tolerable lines. The verses we are most pleased with are
An Invitation to Miss WARB-RT-N.
Already wafted from th' empurpled meads