can, with propriety, decline the only means of carrying their own propositions into effective operation. The measures already adopted constitute a formal recognition of the existence of certain evils, which the authors of those measures have pledged themselves to remove. To this extent therefore, at the least, we trust that the West-Indians will support Mr. Brougham when he shall fulfil his promise of moving the House of Commons on the subject. On them indeed, more than on others, it seems incumbent to second the motion for Parliamentary legislation. Such a proceeding is necessary not only to vindicate the sincerity of their own professions in the counsel they have given to his Majesty's Ministers, but to rescue themselves from any share in that headstrong and ruinous line of poliey which their brethren in the colonies seem determined at all hazards to pursue. If no one else were to take the matter up, we should consider the West-Indian proprietors in both Houses of Parliament as bound by a regard to consistency, and by a sense of justice to their wretched bondsmen, to call for the interference of Parliament. Not a few of them are the strenuous advocates of popular rights, and the sworn enemies to oppression, at least in Europe. Let them shew that the operation of their principles is not bounded by geographical limits, or by the colour of the victims of oppression, or by the degree in which their own personal interests may be affected by a denial of justice. They will then be able, when they re-appear on the hustings of those places which they represent, to vindicate more fearlessly and effectually their claim to the popular suffrage

* One circumstance has occurred which weakens our reliance on the support which the West-India body at home are bound, in consistency, to give to those measures which are indispensable to the adoption of the reforms proposed by themselves. On the 6th of July 1825, soon after Mr. Brougham had given notice of his intention to move Parliament on this subject, a General Meeting of West-India Planters was held at the West-India library, 60 St. James's street, Charles Rose Ellis, Esq. in the chair, at which "it was unanimously resolved, That the West-India merchants, and other consignees of West-India produce resident in London, do charge in their accounts of sales, or accounts current, 6d. (instead of 3d. as at present,) upon each cask of sugar, puncheon of rum, bag of coffee, and 1000 lb. weight of coffee, and in proportion on all other articles of

We have hitherto confined our remarks to the single point of legislation; and we think it has been shewn that it is the very height of fatuity to continue to look to the colonial assemblies for any adequate improvement of the state of the slave law. They are themselves the authors of every legislative wrong which is to be rectified, and of every oppression which is to be redressed. They consist, almost to a man, of slave-masters, or at least of the representatives of slavemasters, hardened by familiarity to the sight of those atrocities which have so shocked and astounded the people of Great Britain. And they are surrounded and controlled by a population of needy, ignorant, and profligate constituents, who derive their distinction from the utter degradation of the Negro race, and a wretched subsistence from the wages they receive as the drivers and coercers of slaves.

But the papers which we have analysed exhibit a view not only of West-Indian legislation, but of the administration of West-India law. Here a new field of horrors opens upon us. And here again we derive our proofs of the radical iniquity of the system, exclusively, from the recorded testimony of the colonists themselves. They are our witnesses. We do not confine this remark to those domestic punishments of which we have so curious an exhibition in the returns from Trinidad, and of which neither law nor justice but mere individual caprice is the arbiter, We allude rather to their criminal slave-courts;-to the nature and imperfections of the

West-India produce imported from the 25th day of March last to the 25th day of March 1826, into the port of London; and that the same be collected in such manner as shall be directed by the Standing Committee of the West-Indian planters and merchants, and be paid into the hands of George Hibbert, Esq. the Treasurer."

Similar imposts, we understand, have been laid in the other ports of the United Kingdom, into which West-Indian produce is imported. Nothing is said of the appropriation of this secret-service money thus levied by the mandate of the West-India club. But whether it shall go to assist in defraying the charges of contested elections; or in rewarding the services of certain periodical writers; or in paying for the circulation of such pamphlets as those of Mr. Grossett, Mr. Macdonnel, or Vindex; or in bearing harmless the too rash and fearless advocates of slavery; we trust it will only serve to stimulate, to more unwearied efforts, all who really feel for the interests of humanity and justice.

judicial returns from the Fiscal of Demerara*;—to the trials of the insurgents in that colony in 1823 (which, however, are not comprehended in the returns that form the subject of the preceding analysis);-to the impunity of the White insurgents of Barbadoes; and, above all, to the reports of the trials of the alleged Black conspirators in Jamaica†, in which every

* After our analysis had been closed, we received an additional Parlia mentary Paper; a return of the procedings of the Fiscal of Berbice. This document is so important, with a view to the object of our present inquiry, that we shall subjoin some extracts from it in a postscript.

+ Since the preceding sheets were printed off, we have had access to several sources of information, which seem to us to throw additional light on these dark transactions.

In an extra Postscript to the Royal Gazette of Jamaica of the 17th to the 24th of January 1824, there is inserted a detail of the trial of the St. George's conspirators on the 19th January 1824. There Charles Mack is made to testify (p, 30), that the meeting at which he was present, when two bags were brought on two mules, containing, as he conceives, guns from town, took place two weeks before Christmas. On the very same trial John Baptiste Corberand is made to testify (p. 31), that fourteen gunз were brought from Lecesne, in Kingston, in bags on mules, two months before Christmas.

In the Postscript to the Royal Gazette, of the 31st January to the 7th February 1824, an account is given of a second trial (Feb. 3) of some St. George's conspirators. On this occasion the editor observes (p. 20), "Baptiste Corberand varies considerably from the evidence he gave on the former trial" (on the 19th January). "He says there were some people from St. Domingo at the musterings, when before he distinctly stated there was only the brigand Baptiste. He also implicates Sambos and Browns, whereas before he only implicated Lecesne. He now, too, implicates the Negroes on La Fitte's property, when, on the previous trial, he deposed that they would not join, as they were religiously inclined." Various other direct contradictions are specified, but these may suffice. On this testimony, nevertheless, three men were, on this one occasion, condemned to die, and one to be transported (p. 21).

In an additional Postscript to the Royal Gazette of the 10th to the 17th April 1824 (pp. 26, 27), is contained the account of the third trial of the St. George's conspirators, which took place on the 7th of April. Here Corberand and Mack change places. Mack is made, on this occasion, to testify, that the guns arrived eight weeks before Christmas; while Corberand's testimony is thus given :-" They had fourteen guns to fight the Buckras with. They got their guns from Lecesne, a Brown man in Kingston, for nothing. They had been collecting money to purchase guns; but when they found they could get them for nothing, they stopped collecting." "James Manhertz brought the guns up in a Spanish bag on a mule, with John Crossdaile, a slave belonging to Cambridge, in Portland, two weeks before Christmas, A week after, this witness brought up a keg of gun

species of judicial irregularity appears to find a place;—and to

powder on a mule from Lecesne's." Lecesne, be it remembered, was deported from Jamaica on the 29th of November. Corberand is asked, "Do you know Lecesue?" His reply is, "Yes, I know him well; was introduced by Baptiste the brigand to him."

In the Jamaica Courant of the 12th of April 1824, an account is given of the same trial of the 7th of April, which is verbatim the same which we have just quoted from the Jamaica Gazette. Corberand is there also made to state that the guns were brought from Lecesne two weeks before Christmas, and a keg of powder only one week before Christmas; while Mack is made to testify that they were brought to Balcarras eight weeks before Christmas. The whole of the trial, extracted verbatim from the Jamaica Courant, and exhibiting these decisive proofs of perjury, may be seen in the John Bull of the 13th June 182

Immediately after the trial of Chance, which took place on the 1st of June, and to which we have adverted above (p. 77), Corberand was placed in close confinement in the gaol of Kingston. He escaped from his confinement, but, after some time, was retaken and placed in one of the condemned cells. The Jamaica Courant, of the 5th June 1824, makes the following observations on the escape of this witness for the crown:

"Jean Baptiste Corberand has effected his escape from the gaol of the city. The danger and impolicy of this man being abroad must strike every one. He has as pretty a notion of treason as any Jack Cade we ever heard of, and may, if he is inclined, stir up the present tranquil passions of ignorant Negroes to those acts which, on his evidence on the last slave court, he evinced having well studied and matured. We never witnessed a fellow more undaunted before a tribunal of justice, or more at home, on his being discovered in occasionally tripping in the continuity of his story. It is hoped every exertion will be resorted to in order to recover this incendiary, who has evinced considerable and dangerous talents, and who would be prone to use them (if we judge aright of the fellow) to the prejudice of the present peaceable state of the colony, and to the perdition of his weak or headstrong associates."

In the Public Advertiser of Jamaica, of the 27th July 1824, the following paragraph appears :

Corberand." In reply to the inquiry of a St. George's correspondent, ' whether Charles Mack and Jean Baptiste Corberand, the crown witnesses in the St. George's trials, are treated like convicted felons, whilst the convicted rebels are allowed the privilege of insolvent debtors,' we are requested to state, that Corberand has lately been confined in a cell for two causes; first, in consequence of his having effected his escape on a former occasion; and, secondly, because he has manifested strong symp toms of insanity. The debtors insisted on his removal from the part of the gaol appropriated to them, as he made at night the most hideous yellings, sometimes roaring out that he saw the fire which was going to burn him; at other times that he was sure he would be hanged, an impression which it is impossible to dispel. He also requested the Sheriff's officer to fetch him a parson, that he might tell him that all he (Corberand) had said was

the barefaced oppressions exercised in that island towards some

nothing but lies. Charles Mack, till the last week, was in the hospital, and for a considerable time previously. As he had also attempted his escape, it has been considered necessary to put him under some restraints."

The same paper, of the 12th July 1824, contains the following remarks on the evidence of Corberand, as it bears on the case of Lecesne and Escoffery.

"For our own part we hope (indeed we are confident), that our Executive have stronger grounds to defend the justice and propriety of their conduct (towards Lecesne and Escoffery), than the evidence of Jean Baptiste Corberand, whose evidence, we maintain, is wholly unworthy of credit. We put it, not to the Rev. Colin Donaldson, but to Mr. Kirkland and Mr. Stamp, two of the ablest magistrates in St. George's, whether they can deny that Corberand was always ready to swear to any thing which could tend, in his opinion, to raise his own consequence. We have heard him with our own ears, in a court of justice, detail before a jury impossibilities, absurdities, and inconsistencies. In his cross-examination by Mr. Clement, in the Court-house of this city, at the trial of a slave named Chance, he so repeatedly contradicted himself, that the jury did not believe his evidence, and acquitted the prisoner of every part of the charge which Corberand was called to substantiate..

"Our readers will perceive, that we do not impeach Corberand's testimony on the opinion of a very inconsistent, and perhaps, we might say, very silly reverend gentleman (Mr. Donaldson), but we appeal to his own cross-examinations, and the verdict of a jury composed of respectable inhabitants of this city..

"Besides, were Corberand's evidence to be believed, it would be no exculpation of the illegal act charged against our executive, inasmuch as the deportation complained of, and the evidence which induced it, were long prior to this second edition of Titus Oates."

A person who resided in the parish of St. Mary's at the time of the trials which took place there, on perusing the account of those trials contained in the preceding pages (pp. 55—62.) added the following particulars. We publish them to afford the Jamaica missionaries and others an opportunity of contradicting them if they are false. We believe them to be true. "The alleged conspirators belonging to Frontier Estate, were all religiously disposed, and were in the habit, after the hours of labour, of meeting in each other's houses, often in the house of James Sterling, for prayer. A man of the name of Roberts, a butcher in Port Maria, was unfriendly to these meetings, which he affected to believe were held for rebellious purposes. He questioned the son of this James Sterling, a slave of his own, of the name of William, who was quite a boy, respecting these meetings, offering him his freedom and money if he should be able to bring their plots to light. Accordingly the boy disclosed a plot to his master, which his master disclosed to the magistrates. The unfortunate Negroes who had been named were taken up as they came down from Frontier Estate with their grass for sale in town. The reward which awaited wit nesses of plots being known, two others now came forward; one a woman,