is in comparison with the beautiful statue of the Attacking Gladiator. Both figures are admirable works of art, and both are represented in the act of vehement and victorious exertion. But how striking is the contrast between the desperate energy of the mortal, and the serene indifference of the divinity!

themselves, which comprise merely general and common-place particulars, such as could not but accompany the main facts related. There is, surely, something unpleasing in seeing a historian, while recounting events which shook and terrified all Europe, glance aside to notice the trembling of the earth under a heavy cannonade, or the glittering of helmets in a charge of During the twenty-five years included in cavalry. We object to such flights, not Mr. Alison's History, Europe was so perpetbecause they are beneath the dignity of the nally involved in war, that in giving our narrative, but because they diminish the opinion of his merits as a military historisimplicity to which it must owe much of an, we may be said to have pronounced its awful effect; and because they can be upon those of the whole narrative part of far more imposingly supplied by the imagi- his work. But he has taken great pains to nation of the reader. It is not by such give his readers the most complete inforrhetorical arts as these, that the great mas mation of all the internal transactions of ters of history have produced their most the chief European nations, during that pesuccessful effects. Thucydides has never riod. He has, as he informs us, made it once throughout his work departed from his rule 'to give the arguments for and the grave and simple dignity of his habitual against any public measures in the words style. Yet what classical scholar will of those who originally brought them forever forget the condensed pathos and energy ward, without any attempt at paraphrase with which he has described the desolation or abridgement. This is more particularof Athens during the pestilence, or the ly the case in the debates of the National overthrow of the Syracusan expedition? Assembly of France, the Parliament of Froissart is a still more extraordinary in- England, and the Council of State under stance. Without for a moment suffering Napoleon. It is,' as he justly himself to be raised above his ordinary tone remarks, 'the only mode by which the spirit of easy and almost childish garrulity, he has and feelings of the moment could be faithyet attained that chivalrous ardor of ex- fully transmitted to posterity, or justice pression, which, to borrow the emphatic done to the motives, on either side, which words of Sidney, stirs the heart like the influenced mankind.'-(Pref. xliv.) 'Provsound of a trumpet.' What soldier ever idence,' says Mr. Alison, has so interworead without enthusiasm his account of the ven human affairs, that when we wish to battle of Crecy? Not, we are confident, retrace the revolutions of a people, and to Colonel Napier, whose warm and ready investigate the causes of their grandeur sympathy with the brave is one of his no- or misfortune, we are insensibly conductblest qualities as a historian. The brilliant ed step by step to their cradle.'-(ii. 536.) array of the French chivalry-the fierce The historian has accordingly interwoven gestures and 'fell cry' of the undisciplined with his narrative several very interesting Genoese-the motionless silence of the and comprehensive sketches of the previ English archery-the sudden and deadly ous history and political state of those naflight of arrows-the mad confusion of the tions who took the most prominent share routed army; all are painted with the life in events. We may particularize those of and vigor of Homer himself. And yet the France, England, Russia, Turkey, and Pochronicler has not employed a shade of land, as the most complete and elaborate. fanciful coloring or poetical ornament-his They include a general description of the whole narrative is full of the same simple population, of the nature and capabilities and delightful naïveté with which he com- of the countries in question, and contain mends the innocence of the Black Prince's much valuable statistical information. We oaths; or celebrates the 'small hat of bea- think Mr. Alison mistaken in some of the ver' which became Edward III. so marvel- maxims and theories which he draws from lously at the battle of Sluys. In reading these views of European history; but it is such passages as these, we feel the same impossible to refuse him the merit of much admiration as in seeing an athlete perform accurate knowledge, and much patient and some feat of surpassing strength, without ingenious reflection. the distortion of a feature or a muscle. They are, in comparison with the florid and highly wrought style on which we have been remarking, what the Belvidere Apollo

Mr. Alison's principal and fatal error is one which we can only lament; for we can neither blame him for its existence, nor wonder at its effects-he is a rigid, a sin

noyance.

În common with nearly all political writers of the present day, we have had repeated occasion to pronounce our opinion both upon revolutions in general, and in particular upon that which forms the main subject of Mr. Alison's history. We shall not, of course, repeat our arguments in detail; as we see no occasion to correct the conclusions which we drew from them. We shall merely allude to them so far as may be necessary for the purpose of comparing them with the opinions of Mr. Alison respecting the causes, the character, and the consequences of the French Revolution.

cere, and an intolerant Tory. This is the born Englishman, sufficient to cause a civil whole extent of his offence. His opinions war. He then proceeds to notice several are displayed with sufficient fairness, if circumstances which were likely to render not always with perfect taste and modes- the French nation, at that moment, pecuty; he does not permit them to pervert liarly impatient of the hardships they had to his statements of facts, though he seldom endure. So far, nothing can be more satloses an opportunity of asserting them in isfactory. He has clearly shown that a all their uncharitable austerity. To this sudden and violent change was inevitable; practice every liberal-minded reader, of and that, without the utmost skill and firmhowever opposite principles, will easily ness in the government, that change was reconcile himself. He will, it is true, have likely to be followed by fatal excesses. to travel through an interesting tract of But he goes on to declare, in all the emhistory, in company with an honorable op- phasis of capital type, that the circumstanponent, instead of a sympathizing friend. ces which have now been mentioned, withHe will necessarily lose much pleasure, out doubt contributed to the formation of and some instruction; but a few precau- that discontent which formed the predistions will ensure him against injury or an- posing cause of the Revolution. But the exciting cause, as physicians would saythe immediate source of the convulsionwas the SPIRIT OF INNOVATION, which, like a malady, overspread France at that crisis, precipitated all classes into a passion for changes, of which they were far from perceiving the ultimate effect, and in the end produced evils far greater than those they were intended to remove. It would seem,' he adds, 'as if, at particular periods, from causes inscrutable to human wisdom, an universal frenzy seizes mankind; reason, experience, prudence, are alike blinded, and the very persons who are to perish in the storm are the first to We must, however, preface our observa- raise its fury.'-(i. 149.) This is a good tions by declaring, that we have found con- specimen of the superficial verbiage which siderable difficulty in extracting any consis. formed the chorus of the English Tory tent and definite opinion, from the present press fifty years ago. We confess that we work, upon the general tendency of that always considered it strange language to event. We have been wholly unable to come from shrewd, sensible men of the reconcile the author's calm and just re-world-from men who, when reasoning on marks upon the nature of the French gov-the crimes and follies of social life, would ernment under the ancient régime, with his have been the first to laugh such vague jarvague and incoherent bursts of invective gon to scorn. Still these men had at least against the spirit by which it was subver- an excuse which Mr. Alison has not. The ted. He speaks of violent revolutions, explanation, bad as it was, was the best sometimes as the stern but beneficial pun- they had to give. They did not possess the ishments of tyranny and corruption-some-information which we now have, respecttimes as national fits of insanity, the judging the system which had brutalized and ment of Providence upon moral profligacy enraged the French people; and if they and religious skepticism. His logic con- had, they might be excused, at such a crivinces us that what he is pleased to call the sis, for failing to reason justly upon it. revolutionary mania is in itself a very nat-But we are at loss to conceive how Mr. Aliural feeling the instinctive desire of the son can think it necessary to aid the effect oppressed for peace and security. His rhet- of his able and conclusive details, by a oric would persuade us that it is a mysteri- solution so feeble and unmeaning as the ous epidemic, displaying itself merely by a above. We forgive the schoolmen of the morbid thirst for innovation, and an insane middle ages for saying that the water rises delight in crime. In his second chapter, in the pump because nature abhors a vacuhe details nearly a dozen intolerable griev- um; for the answer was merely a pompous ances which existed in France down to the confession of ignorance. But what should first outbreak of popular violence; almost we think of a modern philosopher who any one of which would appear, to a free-should solve the same problem by telling

us-The pressure of the external atmos- without the assistance of this casual fit of phere overcomes that of the rarefied air in unaccountable insanity. the cylinder; this circumstance, without In speaking thus, we fully bear in mind doubt, contributes to the phenomenon ; but the wild and visionary speculations which its immediate cause is, that nature abhors a were so common in France at the time of vacuum! If Mr. Alison means, by the the Revolution. But we cannot see the ne'spirit of innovation,' that natural wish for cessity of referring these delusions to inredress which is the consequence of intol- scrutable causes. No one will deny that a erable suffering, then the sentence we have frantic spirit of innovation did exist in quoted, besides being a truism in itself, is France at that period;-the question is, incorrect in its application; for that spirit whether it originated in natural resentmust have been an intermediate, not a col- ment or spontaneous frenzy-whether, in lateral cause of the Revolution. But this short, the nation was driven mad, or went he does not mean; for it would be absurd mad of its own accord. The latter, as we to call so rational a desire an inscrutable have seen, is Mr. Alison's opinion; and frenzy. It is therefore clear that he speaks this opinion induces him, as well it may, of a spirit of innovation,' wholly uncon- to fear that the feelings which convulsed nected with existing inconveniences-a France half a century since, may be awaspirit against which the wisest institutions kened in free and well governed councannot guard, and which is almost as like- tries by the progress of constitutional rely to break forth in a free, as in an oppress- form. To us nothing can seem more natued nation. We shall permit ourselves a ral than that men, who knew no more of few observations upon this theory; be- political liberty than a blind man knows of cause, briefly as it is here expressed, it ap- light, should form an extravagant notion of pears to be the text of most of his mourn- its blessings. All our ideas of human naful and discouraging speculations both up- ture would have been confounded, if we had on the future destiny of France, and the found the French Jacobins recommending progress of Reform throughout the world. the constitution of 1789 in the calm and In the first place, the remark naturally rational language in which Hampden might occurs, that admitting the possibility of the have spoken for the abolition of the Starexplanation, we do not want its assistance. Chamber, or Lord Somers for the Bill of Mr. Alison has ably shown that the worst Rights. It is certain that nations, like infollies and excesses of the Revolution may dividuals, are sometimes captivated by debe fully accounted for by the ordinary mo- lusive theories. But we appeal to the comtives of human conduct. Why then have mon sense of our readers whether any rearecourse to 'causes inscrutable to human sonable being ever abandoned substantial wisdom? Why call down a divinity, when comforts, or confronted real dangers, with the knot can be disentangled by mortal skill? no better motives. Can it be conceived Assume, if you will, that nations, like ele- that empty dreams about universal equality, phants, are subject to periodical accesses and an age of innocence, would have nerved of frenzy; but why apply your theory to peaceable men to defy the cannon of the such a case where every provocation ex- Bastile? Would the mob have massacred isted to justify an outbreak of natural re- good and popular rulers for the sake of resentment? Nothing can, by Mr. Alison's sembling Brutus and Timoleon? When an account, be more evident, than that the po-homme-de-lettres risked his life as a demalitical privileges of the noblesse, the oppressions of the feudal law, and the ruinous state of the finances, must have been in 1789 sources of daily and hourly annoyance to the great majority of the French nation. Most of them, even in the plebeian class, must, in the existing state of intelligence, have felt that their property had been injured, and their prospects in life disap-vées and feudal services? pointed, by the accident of their birth. And surely they must have been the meekest race in existence, if the severity of their sufferings, and the consciousness of their strength, and the knowledge of the impotence of their oppressors, would all have been insufficient to urge them to violence,

gogue, was it to realize his fancies of republics and democracies, or to escape from hopeless poverty and obscurity? When a peasant set fire to the chateau of Monseigneur, was it because he admired the eloquence of Danton or Desmoulins, or because he found it easier to revolt at once, than to stay at home and be ruined by cor

At the conclusion of his first chapter, Mr. Alison has explained, with admirable sense and moderation, the causes of the sanguinary violence which distinguished the French Revolution. We are not sure that his remarks upon the various crimes which he has to relate, are always characterized by

the same rational calmness; but he has here [In speaking of the Egyptian expedition, he at least recorded his deliberate opinion, that says-They' (the French soldiers) 'not the atrocities of the French populace were only considered the Christian faith as an the natural and inevitable fruit of the op- entire fabrication, but were for the most pression which they had suffered. We have part ignorant of its very elements. Lavalong ago expressed our belief, that the ex-lette has recorded that hardly one of them cesses of every popular convulsion will ge- had ever been in a church, and that in Panerally be proportioned to the misgovern- lestine they were ignorant even of the names ment which occasioned it. We are aware of the holiest places in sacred history.'that this has been eagerly disputed; but (iii. 419.) This was in 1799, only ten years without pausing to discuss particular ex-after the first symptoms of popular innovaamples, we submit that the general rule approaches very nearly to a truism. Will not the violence of the popular party in a revolution be in proportion to their exasperation and their political ignorance? And will not their exasperation be in proportion to their sufferings, and their political ignorance to their inexperience in the use of political power?

tion. Here, then, were 30,000 full-grown men, collected promiscuously from all parts of France-many of them well educated, and all of sound mind and body-who appear to have felt about as much interest in the religion of their ancestors as in that of Brahma or Confucius. And yet the great majority of this army must have been born fifteen or twenty years before the first outbreak of the Revolution; and the very youngest of them must have passed their childhood entirely under the ancient régime. There cannot, surely, be a stronger proof that, long before the royal authority was shaken, the great mass of the French nation had become such thorough infidels as to be almost ignorant of the very existence of Christianity.

benefit, or a disaster to mankind. Though some passages in the earlier part of his History seem to bear a more hopeful interpretation, it is clear that upon the whole he considers it as an event most fatal to France, and most menacing to the rest of Europe. The following are, in his opinion, its most

Of course, no one will deny that the exactness of the proportion may be disturbed by various causes. The influence of accidental circumstances, the authority of particular classes, even the personal character of individuals, may have the greatest effect in exciting or restraining popular revenge. We need not remind our readers of the various unhappy coincidences which combined to increase the natural resentment of Our limits will not permit us to discuss the French nation;-of the foolish weak-with Mr. Alison the great question, whether ness, and more foolish insolence of the the French Revolution was on the whole a court, the unprincipled character of the popular leaders, the want of moral and religious feeling among the lower classes. Still, we do not comprehend the argument which attributes the crimes and impieties of that unhappy time to the demoralizing effects of the Revolution itself. Sudden anarchy may bring evil passions and infidel opi-pernicious consequences, as regards France nions to light; but we do not understand alone-'The national morality has been dehow it can bring them into existence. Men stroyed in the citizens of towns, in whose do not insult their religion and massacre hands alone political power is vested.their fellow-creatures, simply because it is There is no moral strength or political enin their power. The desire to do so must ergy in the country. France has previously exist, and in France we have fallen into a subjection to Paris, to which every proof that it did exist. We might there is nothing comparable in European give innumerable instances of the cruel and history. The Prætorian guards of the ca vindictive temper displayed from the most pital rule the state. Commercial ancient times by the lower classes in France. opulence and habits of sober judgment have In the Jacquerie, in the civil wars of the been destroyed, never to revive. A thirst Bourguignons and Armagnacs, and in the for excitement everywhere prevails, and seditions of the League and the Fronde, general selfishness disgraces the nation. they constantly displayed the ferocity na- Religion has never resumed its sway over turally excited by slavery and oppression. the influential classes. . And the Their scorn for Christianity, though more general depravity renders indispensable a recently acquired, had become, long before powerful centralized and military governthe Revolution of 1789, as inveterate as ment. In what respect,' he asks, 'does this their desire for revenge. We shall give, in state of things differ from the institutions Mr. Alison's own words, one very singular of China or the Byzantine empire ?'-(x. proof of the extent to which it prevailed. [548.) In what respect, we prefer to in

quire, does it differ from the institutions of worst that ever occurred. Not only did France before the Revolution? We are no the popular movement result in atrocities, implicit admirers of the present French go- but the exhaustion which followed led to vernment; but we appeal to Mr. Alison's the usurpation of Napoleon and the wars own statements, whether it is not infinitely of the empire. Three millions and a half of preferable to that of Louis XVI.? Still less Frenchmen, and a prodigious number of are we blind to the many and serious faults foreigners, perished, who but for the Revoof the present generation of Frenchmen; lution and its consequences might have but we are at a loss to conceive how any ended their days in peace. Human ingereasonable being, who compares the second nuity, in short, can scarcely imagine means revolution with the first, can deny the supe-by which a greater amount of violence and riority of the Frenchman of 1830 to the bloodshed could have been crowded into a Frenchman of 1793—that is, to the French-quarter of a century. Still we are perman of the ancient régime, when seen in his suaded that an escape from this fiery trial true colors. But, without stopping to would have been dearly purchased by the argue so extensive a question in detail, we continuance of the ancient régime for anomust confess that we should be glad to hear ther century. The evils of violence and from Mr. Alison a distinct answer to a few bloodshed, dreadful as they are, cannot be such plain questions as the following:-compared to those of oppressive instituWould Louis-Philippe, though he were the tions. Violence and bloodshed are necesmost depraved and violent man in Europe, sarily partial, but oppressive institutions dare to imitate the orgies of the regency, or the tyranny of Louis XV.? Are life, property, and honor, less safe than in the time of the Bastile, and the Parc aux Cerfs? Is the present condition of the peasantry worse than it was under the feudal law? Have the middle classes less political power than in 1742? Is France less prosperous at home, or less respected abroad, than in 1763 or 1783? However common infidelity hope of escaping the tyranny of the feudal may unhappily be, is religion less respected than in the days of Voltaire? However low the national standard of morality, was it higher when Madame de Parabére, or Madame du Berri, was the virtual ruler of France? All the declamation in the world about Oriental tyrannies, and centralized despotisms, will not get rid of these simple tests; and we are at a loss to imagine how even Mr. Alison could reply to one of them in the affirmative.

are universal. It is impossible to guillotine a whole nation; it is impossible to enrol a whole nation as conscripts; but it is easy to make a whole nation miserable by disabilities and exactions. Even under the Reign of Terror, each individual citizen must have felt that there were many hundred chances to one in favor of his escape from denunciation; but no peasant had a

customs. Violence and bloodshed are in their nature transitory; but oppressive institutions may be perpetual. Crimes which spring from passion soon exhaust themselves; but crimes which spring from habit may continue for ever. The Reign of Terror was over in fourteen months; but the ancient régime might have subsisted until its effects had reduced France to the decrepitude of China or Constantinople. Violence and bloodshed produce merely sufferIf we are right on this important point, ing; but oppressive institutions produce we shall not allow the crimes of the Revo-degradation also. A French peasant might lution, or the sufferings which it caused, to prevent us from considering it a beneficial change. In saying this we trust that we shall not be understood as wishing to palliate the excesses of the popular party, or to undervalue the evils inseparable from all popular convulsions. A revolution, at its best, is a painful and perilous remedy; at its worst, it is the severest trial which a nation can undergo. If we are inclined, notwithstanding, to consider such trials as benefits, it is because we believe that they seldom occur, except in cases where hopeless slavery and irreparable decay are the only alternatives. There is no doubt that the French Revolution was an instance of the worst kind ;-perhaps it was the very

retain the pride and spirit of a free inan, though he knew that the next day he might be dragged before a revolutionary tribunal, or hurried off to join the army in Spain or Russia. But a French peasant who had been placed in the stocks for want of due servility to his seigneur, who had seen his son sent to the galleys for destroying a partridge's eggs, who knew that the honor of his family had been outraged by some

* Mr. Alison enumerates the victims of the Re

volution, including those of the civil war in La Vendée, at 1,022,351 souls; and the soldiers who perished in the wars of the Empire, at 2,200,400.(See vi. 410, ii. 400.) This does not include those

tionary contest, and in the various naval actions of the war.

who fell at Waterloo, in the battles of the revolu