ferable number of writers; Paine, a lively conviction and fenfe of the Barlow, Godwin, and others: all right of private judgment in matof whom, both pamphleteers and ters of religion. This principle politicians, confidered it as an era he has extended in its utmost laaufpicious to mankind. The po- titude to politics. Though he had litical doctrines of France and long been devoted to political stuGermany, and the hopes conceived dies, he tells us, he was not made from the energy of human reafon, aware of the defireablenefs of a were carried in England, by cer- government in the utmoft degree tain diftempered fpirits, to the fimple, but by ideas fuggefted by length of extravagance and mad- the French revolution. To the nels. In a feminary, established fame event, he adds, he owes the' at Hackney for the education of determination of mind which gave young men for the diffenting church, certain of the profeffors, and others who were affociated with them, as friends to that institution, maintained, that by a due exertion and direction of the human faculties, it was poffible, and that a period would probably arrive when they would obtain a complete triumph over difeafe, and even death. For their own parts, although they did not pofitively predict their own immortality, they did not hesitate to exprefs a lively hope that they fhould be able to prolong their own, greatly beyond the ufual period of human life, and to live as long as they could with. Among this number of happy mortals, was Godwin (already mentioned) author of a large work on political justice; in which there is, in reality, as little fenfe as in his doctrine of immortality; fince it would be as impoffible for his fyftem of government, were it poffible to make the experiment, to maintain itself, in oppofition to the ftrongeft paffions and propenfities of human nature, as it would be for any effort of human reafon to fet difeafe and death at defiance. Mr. Godwin, being bred among the diffenters, was naturally led to existence to his work. "He hopes that men may one day be governed by the purity of their own minds, and the moderation of their own defires, without all external coercion." There is no authority, according to him, "but that of reafon; and no legiflators, but philofophers and propagators of truth." He thinks it unjust to be influenced by any particular fenfations, propenfities, affections, and paifions: and in all cafes confiders and calculates, not what may be good for an individual or any part of fociety, but what is due to the whole. "It cannot indeed (he admits) be definitively affirmed, whether it be known in fuch a state of fociety, who is the father of each individual child; but it may be affirmed, that fuch knowledge will be of no importance. It is ariftocracy, felflove, and family pride, that teach us to fet a value upon it at prefent. I ought to prefer no human being to another, because that being is my father, my wife, or my fon; but, becaufe, for reafons which appeal equally to all underftandings, that being is entitled to preference. One among the meafures which will be fucceflively dictated by the spirit of democracy, B4 and and that probably at no great diftance, is the abolition of furnames*. In a word, it is in the fpirit of Mr. Godwin's political fyftem, to harden the heart against all the endearing charities of life; to teach men, and even women, according to his own phrafe," to reft on their own centre." He would reverse the actual order of nature, in the different circles of fociety, from a fingle family to the most extenfive empire; and arrange all ideas of focial atatchment and duty, around the centre of a moft complicated chaos of cold abftractions. This Book of Godwin, not the leaft curious among the fruits of French principles and revolution, feemed not unworthy of particular attention on the prefent occafion; as it fhews to what confequences fome of thefe principles might be pufhed, by a process of reafoning, if the principles be granted, not eafy to be refuted. Though the wrongheadedness and infanity of Mr. Godwin's publication must be admitted, he must be allowed to pofiefs great fubtlety of genius, as well as hardiness of thinking, and vigour of fancy. In London, and in every great town in Britain, many idle, difcontented, and felf-conceited perfons were to be feen, affecting the habit, character, and name of philofophers. It is very proper to mention, that their philofophy confifted not fo much in an inveftigation of truth in general, or in a wife purfuit of the beft ends, by the beft means, as in a freedom from all manner of prejudice; particuJarly from all refpect for cftablished governments, and all reverence for religion. Yet a common caufe feemed to be made, and sympathy formed between thofe atheists and many religionists of different fects, from a common averfion to the established church, not to fay government. They frequently affembled together in fmall parties, in clofe divan; from which all who were not notoriously diffatisfied with the present order of things, were carefully excluded. And it was very curious to obferve, that men, who were generally accounted the most crabbed, morose, and unfociable in their manners towards their countrymen and neighbours, were the iouaeft advocates for univerfal philanthropy. There were alto men, and among thefe fome of note, who, uniting a fpecies of chriftianity with a fpirit of philofophical inquiry, inferred from the prefent phenomena of the world, compared with the fcriptural prophecies, that the time was faft approaching when there fhould be a new or regenerated earth; and confidered what had paffed in America, and was paffing at the time in France and Poland, as the commencement, at least the fure and immediate forerunner of the millenium; when Satan fhould be bound for a thoufand years, and human felicity promoted by the promotion of knowledge and righteoufnefs. as a Dr. Price, well known writer on both political and metaphyfical ftudies, in a valetudinary fermon to his diffenting congrega tion at Hackney, one of the fuburbs of London, in allufion to the revolutionary fpirit of the times, and particularly to the French revolution, chofe for his text the * Godwin's Inquiry into Political Juftice, vol. ii. p. 582. words words of Simeon, when he had the moft amiable of men; and jealous of the fovereign powers whole authority was indirectly attacked by the revolution, faw no fecurity to themfelves but in reducing ftill farther the royal power, already too much contracted by the recent conftitution; and in the propagation of their political creed, and a general fraternization with neighbouring states and kingdoms. While emiffaries were employed for this purpose abroad, attacks were fucceffively made at home, on the prerogatives of the king, the privileges of the nobility and the clergy, and on all who poffeffed property. The great mafs of the people, taught to confider themfelves as fractions of the fovereign will, became impatient of controul, and imperious. Disappointed in their blind and extravagant expectations of fome unknown and indefinite good from the new conftitu tion, they became difcontented, reftlefs, unruly, and fit inftruments of all manner of crimes in the hands of defigning men, who aimed at farther and farther changes in government. While the greatest diforders prevailed in France, foreign armies, advancing to her frontiers, threatened the reftoration of monarchy. But the French, while all was wild and inhuman uproar in their own country, difplayed in their conduct to other nations, the higheft degree of genius and courage. A ftriking affemblage was exhibited of virtues and crimes; of a general devotion to liberty, and an inhuman feroci. ty in the purfuit of it; of greatnefs and meannefs of mind; of treachery and fidelity; of the most The feeds of diffolution were fown in the conftitution itself, in the means by which it had been obtained, in the character of the French nation, the depravity of their morals, and the violence of their paffions. The new government, miftrufiful, and bearing no good-will to the fovereign prince whom they had treated fo ill, tho' Luke, chap. 2. ver. 29, 30. fhocking fhocking ingratitude and generous attachmeut; of public exertion well directed, and private profligacy and every fpecies of depravity and excefs. There is an active fortitude, and there is a paflive fortitude. The latent energy of the French character, which had either been benumbed or perverted for ages, fhone forth in inftances of the former on the frontier, and examples of the latter in the interior of the kingdom. The weaker fex, on manifold occafions difplayed a conftancy that fhewed how independent the fublimeft courage is of bodily ftrength. Though a general lethargy had fallen on the nobility, yet they were not on the whole difobedient to the calls of honour. In the church, the nobleft patterns were exhibited of Chriftian fubmiffion and refignation; and many obtained the crown of martyrdom. But it was in the royal family that the moft magnanimous and affecting conftancy and goodnefs was difplayed-a family, which in this extremity of fortune, appeared the first in dignity as in ftation. From the minds, however, of all those who were the moft active in the internal convulfions of France, all principle, all faith, all natural affection feemed for a time to be expelled; and all things were involved in diftruft, fear, rapine, and frenzy. The convention which fucceeded to the conftituent affembiy, was in general fuch as the lowest class of the people brought into play by the downward progrefiion of power in times of civil commotion, by whom it was formed, directed, or intimidated. Or it they attempted to exert an authority of their own, it was fuffici ent only to enforce the commiffion of crimes, not to reftrain them. The most perfect tyranny was dif guifed under the name of revolu tionary ardour. Anarchy, according to the nature of extremes, ran into defpotifin; and in the midst of this horrid tumult of contending views and paffions, the levity and impetuofity of the French character were ftill predominant. The concurring teftimony of all the journals of the times will fearcely render it credible to pofterity, that the very first act of the legislative affembly, after fwearing to maintain, to the utmost of their power, the conftitution of the kingdom, decreed by the conftituent affembly, was to feize the final territory of Avignon (Oct. 1791) which had been ceded to the Pope, and the ceffion repeatedly ratified; and the Bithropic of Bafle, which fecured certain defiles that open a paffage into Switzerland. A chofen band of aflaffins, under the command of one Jourdan, diftinguifhed by the name of Cut-throat, which then was far from being confidered as a term of reproach, was difpatched to that beautiful fpot where the nature of the inhabitants was congenial with the mild benignity of the climate. They began the fyftem of their operations by inftituting a club, and gaining partizans among the people. After maflacring the most peaceable and refpectable inhabitants, they compelled the remainder to meet and vote their union with the kingdom of France. Those affatlins were fent, under the name of commiffaries, for fettling certain differences which they pretended to have arifen amongst the inhabitants, and between Avignon and Carpentras, The aflembly, by this management management, had the appearance of only acceding to the will of the majority of the inhabitants, when they afterwards declared that Avignon was an integrant part of the kingdom. The revolution of Avignon, the first fruits of the new pacific fyftem of France, formed a prefage of farther encroachments, and unfolded the principle on which thefe were to be made; which were precisely the fame with that on which the ancient Romans extended their conquests over the greatest part of the known world. Like the Romans, they began their operations with learning the ftate of parties, and fomenting divifions; by efpoufing the caufe of one of the parties, and making it the tool of their ambition. On the fame plan they have proceeded, like the Romans, to make war on other nations, not as ene. mies, but friends and protectors; affecting to govern distant countries by influence and management, without feizing on them immediately and openly as poffeffions. In the fpirit of the Roman policy, they avow open and eternal war against one rival, while they offer an infidious peace and amity to other nations. They have marked out their Carthage, the deftruction of which they affirm to be neceflary to the freedom of commerce, and the peace of the world. While they full the nation into habits of peace, they themselves nourish in their own country a fpirit of war, and this becomes the great road to diftinction, and the ruling paffion of the nation: nor is this road precluded to the very meaneft of the citizens; to whom the highest dignities are opened, as they also were to the plebeians of Rome in the courfe of their contefts with the fenate. Granting certain privileges to the states whom they fubdue under the name of allies, they even induce them to fight their battles, and to become the vile inftruments of rivetting the yoke of flavery on their own necks, and impofing it on their neighbours: and, finally, like the ancient Romans, they affect to raise their authority by lofty pretenfions and names, by external magnificence and pomp, and carrying to their capital whatever is to be found most exquifite in art among the fpoils of the conquered countries. Such is the fyftem of ambition to which the revolution of the small state of Avignon formed a cruel, though proper prelude. The horrors committed at Avignon have been forgotten and loft in those that have fince been committed all over France. But long did men fhudder at the name of the glacis under the walls of Avignon, filled up with the dead bodies of its flaughtered inhabitants. . The next object to which the new legiflature of France turned their attention, was, the continued emigration of the nobles to join the army of French affembled beyond the frontiers, under the Prince of Condé. October 14, 1791. It was decreed that emigrants, thus affembled, fhould be from that time confidered as traitors against their country; and that from the first of January 1792, fuch as fhould be known to be affembled, should be punished with death: that all the French princes, and public functionaries, whọ fhould not return before the first of January, fhould * B be |