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it was fair to obferve that the charge was in a great degree to be placed to the account of the war. Upon a peace, the profits must have rifen to a great amount. To justify the ceffion of Canada by a declamation against monopolies was also improper. The question had no concern whatever with the cenfure of monopolies. We had a monopoly of the fur trade in the fame way that every country has a monopoly of its produce. But it fhould be remarked that iron, wine, or wood, in whatever country they abound, are fold by thofe who poffefs them, as owners or proprietors, and not as monopolifts. The fur trade was ours, because we were the proprietors of the country which fupplied it. To furrender this trade to the Americans is not the making it free or open. It is to confer upon them the moft pofitive advantage. According to this strange way of reafoning, we should be faid to open the coal trade, if we fhould give up our coal mines to a foreign ftate. The new maxims of trade to which the noble lord alluded in terms of extravagant praife were vifionary and romantic. Our ancient and plain maxims of commerce had raised this country to a very high pitch of greatnefs, and it did not become us to alter them.

In the East Indies the principle of protecting France against the infults of former treaties was alfo followed with the most abfurd prodigality. She had loft all her fettle ments in Afia; and thefe are given back to her again. This reftoration was humiliating to us in proportion as it was glorious to them. Pondicherry was not only given back; but to render it the more acceptable, a large territory was made to accompany it. A free, an independent, and what is more alarm

ing, an undefined trade in this quarter of the world was prefented to France; and, in effect, it had obtained the liberty of furrounding Chandenagor with a fortification. For what interpretation but this can be affigned to the article conferring the privilege of furrounding that place with a ditch? During the last peace the French had made what they called a ditch in this ftation. But when General Campbell infpected it, he without hefitation pronounced it to be a fortification. It was accordingly deftroyed by the fervants of the East-India Company. Now the liberty to restore this ditch, to fpeak of it in the flighteft degree of blame, is a fource that must endanger contention and disturbance: and it is to be dreaded that Chandenagor may be improved into a most formidable poft.

The folly of our negociators was every where prominent. The article which introduces the French into every negociation with the country powers of India may be confidered as a continuation of the war. It gives them allies in every part of India; and it advances them into fomething like a rivalfhip with the English for a connection with the country powers, whom they may engage in measures where having nothing to apprehend they may be deluded into high hopes of acquifition. By this fingular article, too, it is ftipulated that hoftilities are to ceafe in India four months after a notification, which France may give or neglect, as is moft confiftent with its interefts and inclination.

In Africa our trade was furrendered to France by the ceffion of Senegal and Goree. The miniftry might have learned from the negociations for the last peace, that France was decidedly clear that the gum trade could not poffibly fubfift

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without the poffeffion of one of thefe places. It was upon this principle Tuggested by France, and admitted by us, that they were then divided, and that England and France were fecured refpectively in a participation of the trade. But now that they are united, the trade is exclufively in the power of France. It is weak to argue that the value of the gum trade is not great. Of fome importance it must undoubtedly be; and the miniftry fhould have reflected that the want of it must deftroy altogether two noble branches of manufacture, that of the printed linens, and that of the filks and gauzes. This want must be experienced by us in the event of a new war; and during peace the price of the commodity must be adjusted by France.

But while France has been fo much indebted to our negociators, they have alfo been proud to confer their benefits upon Spain. The ceffion of Eaft Florida to the Spanish monarch is an extravagance for wich it is impoffible to find even the fhadow of a pretence. The condition of that power had nothing in it either to dazzle or to terrify; nor was it to be accounted for on any principle of folid politics, that the hould be bribed to a treaty of peace by the addition of fo important a fettlement to all the other acquifitions which he had been permitted to retain.

The most unworthy however of all the negociations for peace was the provisional articles. It might be neceffary indeed to give up its independency to America. But the grounds and contents of the treaty are perhaps unparalleled in the hiftory of mankind. The preamble affects to ftate that convenience and advantage are the only foundation of peace and friendship among com

munities. It overlooks the principles of justice, the laws of nations, and the faith of compacts. The treaty is of a piece with its preamble. It pretends to arrange matters on the principles of reciprocity. But what is wonderful, it gives every thing to America, and fecures nothing to Great Britain. Under the pretext of making a boundary, it grants to America an immenfe tract of country, full of tribes who were our allies, and under our protection; and for fo valuable a transfer it makes no return. It extends the coast of America beyond its ancient limits, and includes in it a part of the land and the harbours of Nova Scotia.

The facrifice of the loyalists, which was made in the provifional articles, his lordship regarded as an object of the greatest execration. It was pleaded in its defence, that the American commiffioners were reftriéted in their powers, and that congrefs could only recommend the loyalifts to mercy. But did there exift a controlling neceffity to treat with perfons whofe powers were incomplete? And was it impoffible to fecure better terms to the loyalifts? No fuch neceffity exifted; and it was in our power to have procured articles far more beneficial. military force was very great, and in no danger of being vanquished: and even in the lowest ebb of dif trefs, we ought not to have fub. fcribed to terms fo fervile and base, that they must blaft for ever our national glory. Francis I. when conquered and a captive, wrote to his fubjects that every thing was loft but his honour and theirs. They felt his magnanimity; and the spirit of this fentiment preferved his kingdom, and re-established his fortune. Amidst all the hoftis lity entertained against us by France

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and Spain, we might upon an occafion like this have relied on their generofity. They would have refpected the caufe of humanity; and if their affistance had been afked, it would have been interpofed in the fervice of men whom we have deferted and betrayed. Perfonal hatred and revenge were never carried farther than in Ireland after the abdication of James II.; yet in the articles of Limerick, though only ftipulations for the furrender of a town, there was not the smallest difficulty in admitting the most favourable engagements for the Roman Catholics who had acted 2gainst king William. The records of ancient and modern story might be turned over in vain to find any inftance of fo perfidious and fhameful a desertion of men who had put every thing that was dear to them to hazard from a reliance on our fincerity and faith. The cruelty of their treatment while it is in itfelf exceive, was even embittered by a refinement of cruelty, for which no language has any epithet that is proper. They are allowed the fpace of one year to folicit their profecutors for that mercy which their friends refufed; they are defired to beg their bread of thofe by whom they have been fripped of their property; and folicitations are preferred to thom to kifs the hands which are ftained with the blood of their fathers and brothers, and to repurchafe poffeffions which they have no money to pay for.

The lord chancellor fpoke on the other fide of the queftion. He meant not, he said, to give way to

vague declamation and oratorical flourishes. The fashionable logic which delighted in words was rather calculated to confound what was plain, than to unravel what was intricate. The matter under difcuffion was not difficult. It was whether they fhould agree to ap proach the throne fairly and ho neftly with an address of thanks for the peace; or whether they fhould go to it infidioufly, with an addrefs of thanks for a peace which they condemned. The fimple recital of this bufinefs was a proof of the abfurdity of the question under debate. It was highly wild to thank his majefty for what they difap proved; to tender to him their approbation for concluding a peace which they declared to be inadequate to their just expectations, inconfiftent with the relative fituation of the belligerent powers, and derogatory to the honour and dignity of the empire. If the amendment on the original motion were divefted of the impofing art of drefs and language, it would immediately fhow its-deformity. It was inconsistent with the dignity of the crown and of the peers. The latter ought not to admit it as a part of the address, and it became not the crown to receive it. If the king's minifters deferved cenfure, it ought to be inflicted openly, and not in an indirect manner. In the one conduct he observed there was meannefs; but in the other there was manliness and greatnefs of mind At length the houfe divided, and the addrefs was carried by a majority of 72 to 59.

CHAP.

CHA P.. III.

Motion in the Houfe of Commons by Mr. T. Pitt, for an Address of Thanks on the Peace. An Amendment on this Motion is propofed by Lord John Cavendish. An Addition to the Amendment is moved by Lord North. Confequent Debates. The Divifion is carried against the Miniftry.

N addrefs of thanks to the king, in terms refembling that of the houfe of lords, was moved for in the commons by Mr. T. Pitt, and feconded by Mr. Wilberforce. In the two houfes there neceffarily prevailed a fimilarity of reafoning; but it is proper to detail the proceedings of both on a fubject so important as the negociations for a peace. The matter, however, which was thrown out in the houfe of peers fhall be as little touched upon as poffible; and thus, upon the whole, the argument of the contending parties in parliament will appear in a form the more perfect and concife.

Mr. T. Pitt and Mr. Wilberforce exerted themfelves to demonftrate, that at this juncture, peace was effentially neceffary for the falvation of the country. They ftated the immenfe fums which had been lavified away in a mad and a calamitous war. They defcribed the abject condition of our finances; infifted on the fuperior power of the confederacy in oppofition to us; and reminded the house that we were without an ally. It was right to diftinguish between force and the refources without which it could not be upheld. Our feamen were brave and our navy numerous; but could any use be made of either when we had no money to maintain them? Force might be termed the body and materials of the machine; but money was the fpring that alone could fet it in motion. A continuation of the war was the most certain

us,

ruin. It was peace only that could fave us, by recovering our refources, and by reftoring our commerce.Peace accordingly had been obtained on the best terms which could be negociated; and it promifed to be permanent.

Lord John Cavendish declared that he was fond of peace; but that the question was not will you have this peace, or continue the war? The real queftion was, under our prefent circumstances, could a better peace have been obtained? This topic did not admit of an easy anfwer, and called for a ferions deliberation. The whole of the evidence neceffary to be weighed in deliberating upon a point of this kind was not actually produced. The negociations with the Dutch were ftill uncertain. It was proper, therefore, to pause a little, and to hefitate. He propofed, accordingly, that to the addrefs for thanking his majesty for laying before the houfe the articles of the different treaties which he had concluded, there fhould be annexed the following words: "His faithful com mons will proceed to confider of the treaties with that ferious and faithful attention which a subject of fuch importance to the prefent and fufure interefts of his majesty's do minions deserves. That in the mean time they entertain the fullest confidence in his majefty's paternal care that he will concert with his parliament fuch measures as may be expedient for extending the commerce of his majesty's fubjects.

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That whatever may be the fentiments of his faithful commons on this investigation of the terms of pacification, they beg leave to af fure his majefty of their firm and unalterable refolution to adhere inviolably to the feveral articles for which the public faith is pledged, and to maintain the bleffings of peace, fo neceffary to his majefty's fubjects and the general happiness of mankind."

This amendment was approved and feconded by Mr. St. John.

Lord North affirmed that during the whole courfe of the thirty years in which he had ferved his country, he never role under fuch uncafinefs and anxiety. It was not his defire to give embarraffment to government; but he could not approve of a peace to which he faw fo many ferious and folid grounds of objection. The conduct of the miniftry furprised him. For them furely it was fufficient that their peace fhould not be oppofed; but it feems they wanted approbation and applaufe. It would have become them to have imitated the example of that wife and upright minifter who concluded the peace of Aix la Chapelle; a peace that terminated a war which, like the prefent, had been unsuccessful. That honeft statesman, confcious of the rectitude of his intentions, and looking down alike upon adulation and cenfure, contented himself with a fimple prefentation of it to the house. "I have laid the treaty before you, faid he, canvas the articles, twist them, weigh them; do what you please with them if they are attacked it is my business to defend them; but I have nothing to move upon them myfelf." Such he expected would have been the conduct of the prefent minifters; and in that cafe he would have been glad to have pre

ferved a profound filence. But the addrefs called for a vote of approbation, and he had no fuch vote to give upon fuch an occafion. It confidered the peace as meritorious and beneficial; but it was deftructive and difhonourable. He wished not, however, to fet negociations afide which had been conducted under the fanction of the prerogative, nor to put those who advised them under the peril of punishment. His objections notwithstanding to the treaties were so strong that they could not be furmounted. The articles with the houfe of Bourbon were not adjufted upon the principle of uti possidetis; and in the provifional treaty the equity and reciprocity fo much boasted of, were words without any proper meaning; all the advantages and profit being obviously on the fide of the Americans. He approved the amendment of lord John Cavendish; but conceived that fomething was wanting to make it perfect. It ought, in his opinion, to have paid fome attention to the condition of the loyalifts. He deplored infinitely the hard fate of thefe unhappy men. But while his pity was extended to them all, it was awakened more keenly for those among them who had drawn the fword in the caufe of Great Britain. Bound by their oaths of allegiance, called upon by the British parlia ment, encouraged by the procla mations of our generals, and allured by national affurances of fecurity, they had fought for their country, and were abandoned to the malice of their enemies. He asked if all the furrenders we had made in America; if the furrender of Charles-town, of New York, of Rhode Island, of Penobscot, could not purchafe fecurity for those meritoricus perfons. He could not believe that congrefs, who were un

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