Judah of the impending punishments, which must ensue, if they continued their idolatrous practices; 2. the other, to preserve and keep alive their faith in that Great Deliverer, who was hereafter to appear. Various other collateral purposes, both to the Jews, and to other nations, were effected, from time to time, by means of prophecy; but these were the great lines, continued through every part of the dispensation, and perpetually recalled to notice.

At length the vengeance, so long threatened, fell upon the whole nation; and seventy years of captivity, in a foreign country, while their city, their territory, and their temple, were trodden down and lay in desolation, proved beyond all controversy one part of the above proposition, i. e. "that God would punish for idolatry in the way that he had then denounced; namely, by rejection, and national shame." But, in the deep misery of this infliction, there was a danger, that the contrary movement of despair might succeed to the infatuated obstinacy of the people: or it might have happened, that, when they were removed, for nearly two generations, from their own language, and all the local recollections of their country; placed in the midst of idolaters, and in a state of slavery under them, they might totally have forgotten their God, their duties, and their hopes, and have become an undistinguishable part of the people among whom they lived. To prevent these evils, their prophets were continued through the captivity, during which period some of the most illustrious of those heavenly Messengers were commissioned to instruct, to comfort, and to warn them. When they returned from captivity, while their second temple was building, and their re-established nation was gra dually acquiring solidity and strength, the line of prophets was continued, for about a century.

The promises of the Messiah had now been confirmed, and fully opened; and their last prophet, Malachi, concluded his Book with what appears, as before noticed, to be a farewell charge. For he told them, "that the Sun of Righteousness should arise, with healing in his wings: that they ought in the mean time, to adhere to the Law of Moses, and the Statutes given to Israel in Horeb; and that before THE GREAT DAY of the Lord," that is, THE COMING OF THE MESSIAH, "Elias should be sent, to prepare His way, lest the whole land should fall under the curse of unbelief." This is the substance of the concluding verses of Malachi, and contains a kind of general warning, respecting the Messiah, and the interval which was to precede his manifestation.

The chief purposes of prophecy, with respect to the Jews, were now completed. The people were weaned from idolatry, into which they never afterwards relapsed; the Laws of Moses, and the service of the Temple, were re-established, and were not likely to be again neglected; the promise of the Messiah was made as clear as words could make it; and no new punishment remained to be denounced. The intervening period was to be a period of expectation; resting on former promises, and the written records of Scripture; till He should come into the world, who was to fulfil all promises, and realize all authorized hopes. Providence does nothing in vain. While prophecy could render service, it was continued; when it could do no

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more than was already done-no more than would be equally effected by its preservation in writing, it ceased; and revived no more till the approach of him, who had been its first and greatest object.'

This passage will shew that Mr. Nares possesses some of the qualities of a good preacher.

In the second grand division of his subject, he ranges the prophecies under 10 heads:

1. The rejection of the Jews, and call of the Gentiles. preaching of the Gospel throughout the world. 3. The persecutions of the Apostles and their converts. 4 The destruction of Jerusalem. 5. The fate of Rome, and its conversion. 6. The rise of Mahomet and the Saracenic power. 7. The rise and character of Antichrist. 8. The conversion of the Jews. 9. The general prevalence of the Gospel. 10. The universal Resurrection, and Day of Judgment.'


It is not in our power to attend the preacher through these particulars but we cannot avoid noticing that he speaks with commendable caution on the return of the Jews to their own land; remarking that it is by no means improbable that the expressions employed respecting their land may be altogether figurative.' In conclusion, he trusts that the contemplation of the subject of prophecy will confirm the faith of the Christian; and that hence such light in due time will beam on the accomplishment of those predictions which respect a future period, as will completely dissipate the doubts of the Infidel, and give to Gospel Truth an universal triumph. If we cannot subscribe to all Mr. Nares's positions, in this pleasing contemplation we sincerely accord,

ART. V. A Vindication of the Justice and Policy of the late Wars carried on in Hindostan and the Deckan, by Marquis Wellesley, Governor General, &c. &c.. in Conjunction with his Highness the Peishwah, Bajee Rao, Chief of the Marhatta States; against the subordinate Marhatta Chieftains, Dowlut Rao Scindiah, Ragajee Bhoonsiah, and Jesswunt Rao Holkar. 4to. 5s. sewed. Stock. dale. 1806.


NDIVIDUALS in parliament, the East India Company, the Directors, and the public voice, impute misconduct to the Maquis Wellesley in the administration of the affairs of India. The dispatch proposed to be sent to the noble Marquis by the Directors, of which the public is now in possession, embraces a vast mass of criminating matter, stated with great ability and temper; and in mild and gentle terms, severe charges are preferred against the late Governor-General. The Mahratta war seems to be the chief grievance, which, under the appearance of being lightly touched, is here deeply probed. It is not usual


for sovereigns to quarrel with their servants because they extend their territories and aggrandize their power, but such an act constitutes a principal head of complaint against the personage in question. Whether this displeasure arises from a superiority to the vulgar policy of courts, or whether the habits of traffic and mercantile calculation form the basis, we shall leave to be conjectured by persons of greater penetration and possessing better means of information than ourselves: but, had the advantages clearly compensated for the cost, and had the conquests and the ascendancy occasioned no financial pressure, it may be fairly doubted whether they would have excited any dissatisfaction in Leadenhall-street.

In the writer of the present tract, the late Chief Governor finds a zealous advocate and admirer; and one who, in the conduct of his defence, gives proofs of judgment and ability. He principally adverts to the charges brought against the Marquis's political measures, and to the other matters he only slightly and incidentally alludes. In the perusal of these accusations and apologies, the mind seeks to be satisfied in the following points: Did Lord Wellesley, while Governor-General of India, confine himself within his powers and instructions? Did he compromise the good faith and justice of the Company? Were the measures, which have been arraigned, founded in sound policy? If they were, was he justified in adopting them?

On the first two heads, no defence, we presume, is to be made; at least it is not attempted by the present apologist. That the Governor disregarded not only the letter but the very spirit and substance of his instructions, and that he violated those pacific maxims which the Company professed, and which the legislature had consecrated and rendered binding on all the administrators of India, are matters clear as the light: but, says this vindicator, speaking of the time of the noble Marquis's arrival at the seat of government,

The period of our decline in India seemed not to be remote, unless a counterpoise should be provided by a corresponding increase of strength on our part, sufficient to free us from the danger rapidly approaching in the augmented power and resources of those states which appeared the most likely hereafter to contend with us for empire in that quarter. The treaty of Worgaum, the recapture of Bidanore, and the surrender of its garrison under General Matthews; the destruction of Colonel Baillie's brave detachment, and the occasional retreat of our main armies on both coasts before Hyder and Tippoo, have since sufficiently shewn the rising military strength of the native states of India, and the consequent decline of the military dominion of the Company. But, anterior to these events, the danger was too evident not to be perceived; and the necessity, with a view to the L4 preservation

preservation of our power, of assuming at a just and favourable moment a wider grasp of action, had become apparent to all who watched attentively the seeds and progress of this danger. In the growing improvement of the native armies, our expulsion was to be seen; and a change had already been effected in our general relations with the country powers, and in the military and political strength of the leading states, which silently menaced our existence. This change was only to be met by departing from the line of policy laid down in earlier times and under different circumstances. An enlargement of dominion, an extension of revenue, a reduction of French influence, a more formidable military establishment in all respects, judicious alliances with some of the leading states; a less dangerous construction and combination of their force, and a preponderating weight in the principal durbars of the East, founded in the salutary fear of our power, no less than in a just confidence in our friendship; these were the only counterpoises that could be applied successfully to the preservation of an empire, which national injury, and not lust of power threw in our way: and with these bulwarks, subsequent circumstances amply furnished us, without the imputation of injustice on our part.'

Here we have the authority of Sir George Dallas, who is publicly stated to be the author of this tract, for supposing that our situation required precisely the measures which his noble friend followed. His narrative also instructs us that the hostile chieftains were guilty of those aggressions which made it just and lawful to establish, by force of arms, that increased power and influence which the state of affairs rendered necessary. Very fortunate, according to this reasoning, was the India government and its chief administration; the system which it was necessary to set on foot in order to avoid ruin would not have been introduced without incurring guilt, had other powers kept within the line of their duty: bat, luckily for the star of Britain in the East, the rivals of our power very obligingly and most conveniently supplied us with ample grounds for those seizures of territory, and those schemes of ascendancy, without which our doom was sealed. No Ascetic was ever more free from the taint of ambition, and the desire of distinction, than was the noble Marquis in the whole of this business; if we believe Sir George, he acted throughout from a pure sense of the duty which he owed to his employers and to his country; and he is therefore an innocent, meritorious, and much injured individual. This persuasion, however, must rest on the faith which is placed in the vindicator, since we meet with very little to substantiate his assertions; while, on the contrary, his pages make disclosures that are not very consistent with them, but at least weaken if they do not contradict them. If Sir G. Dallas's positions could be proved, the measures of Lord Wellesley, in themselves considered, would not only


escape censure but call for applause: but, as it was necessary to establish these important positions, why was not this at least attempted? We are told that the native powers were making alarming proficiency in the art of war; that French agents were numerous; and that the hope of French support caused a spirit of disaffection towards the English to prevail. The progress of the Company's arms, however, and the ineffectual resistance made to them, do not very well accord with these statements. The arbiter of the destinies of the East takes scarcely a longer period to reduce the Peninsula of India, than does the chief of the European continent to defeat his enemies in the campaign of 1805; and the complaints made against these conquests are not so much that they will raise `us formidable enemies, as that they invest us with territories which we have not resources to support nor troops to defend, and entail debts on us which we have not the means of liquidating. The easy reduction of the whole Peninsula by the British arms seems to us very much to militate against, if it does not absolutely overturn, the hypothesis that the situation of India required a departure from the established policy professed by the Company, and prescribed to them by Parliament. So do matters appear to us to stand, on the statements even of the advocates themselves of Lord Wellesley. We abstain, however, from giving a decided opinion on the subject.


In regard to aggression in the late contests, the question is more clear. Here it is confidently asserted that it lay with Scindiah but we must shut our eyes, or we cannot help perceiving that the cause proceeded from Lord Wellesley. It was unquestionably the treaty of Bassein that has been the source of all the ravages and bloodshed which have since followed. By that treaty, the chief of the Mahratta empire became the absolute vassal of the Company's government; and he was bound to receive British troops into his dominions, and to assign territories for the support of them. Lord Wellesley foresaw opposition on the part of the principal chiefs of the confederacy; and it was impossible that they should acquiesce, if they could in any degree reckon on a successful resistance. That the noble Lord, then, provoked the war in India is beyond all doubt but whether that was wisely or lawfully done, we leave to be determined by others. We are here told that

Predatory irruptions, foreign and internal oppressions and exaction, perfidy, domestic murders, public massacres, famine, depopulation and wide-spreading misery; this is their system: these have been the volcanoes which too long have encircled our possessions, and overflowed the plains of India. To extinguish them is no more than justice to ourselves; .to close their crater, the sublimest humanity to


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