66 Government, in 1802, and 1803, both publicly and privately, that the duties should ecase with the war; that the well-grounded apprehensions they entertained, are very much increased by the Act of last session, permanently suspending the Navigation Laws, under which the maritime power of Great Britain has increased to its present strength. 2. That the said resolution also extending to continue the war duties on British manufactures exported and carried coastwise, a further bad consequence must follow therefrom, to the Shipping Interest, as every discouragement to the export thereof, must produce an effect on the Ship Owners, and as on that part of the subject the merchants and manufacturers have an immediate concern. Resolved unanimously, that an early communication be had with the trading and ma day of February, 1807, Thomas Brown, Esq. in the chair. The Secretary read the follow ing extracts from the first printed resolution to be proposed on the finances of the country, viz. That the several Duties of Custoras granted to his Majesty by an Act of the 43d year of his present Majesty, entituled, " An Act for granting to his Majesty during the present war, and until the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace, additional duties on the importation and exportation of certain goods, wares, and merchandize, on the Tonnage of ships and vessels in Great Britain," by an Act of the 44th year of his present Majesty, intituled, "An Act for granting to his Majesty, during the present war, additional dutics on the importation of certain goods, &c. into Great Britain, and on goods, wares, or merchandize, brought or carried coastwise, within Great Britain, and by another Act of the 46th year of his present Manufacturing interests, to call their attention jesty, intituled, "An Act for granting to his Majesty during the present war, and for six months after the expiration thereof, additional duties on certain goods, wares, and merchandizes, imported into and exported from, or brought or carried coasticise within Great Britain, shall be further granted and continued, and shall be payable in such proportions, and for such further terms, as may be directed by any Act or Acts of Parliament hereafter to be passed for defraying the charge of any Loan or Loans, to be charged thereon, in manner thereafter mentioned," that is to say, that the Loans to be raised on the credit of the said duties, shall be subject to certain charges therein mentioned, until, by the operation thereof, an amount of capital stock created in consequence of such Loans respectively, shall have been purchased or redeemed, and that whenever and so soon as such amount of capital stock shall have been so purchased or redeemed, the same shall be at the disposal of Parliament." 1. It appearing to this meeting, the adop tion of the said resolution by Parliament must inevitably be attended with the most ruinous consequences to the Shipping Interest of this country, Resolved unanimously, that the Ship Owners in London, and that the Out-ports should immediately petition both Houses of Parliament, imploring then not to accede to any proposition which may be made to the Legis lature to continue the duties on the Tonnage of British Shipping, after the termination of the present war: hurably submitting, that such a measure would at any time be productive of the most serious danger to the British Navigation, but in the present depressed state of British Shipping, the mischievous effects thereof would be seriously felt, immediately on the return of peace, which statement they are more encouraged to make, as the most solemn assurances were given by his Majesty's not only to the probable consequence of the said resolution, but to the present lamentable state of British Shipping-to the depression in the markets of all sorts of West India and Eust India produce and manufactures, and a... the stagnation of trade in general, principally resulting from the relaxation of our old maris. time regulations, and to the indulgences which have been afforded by the British Government to Neutrals, both in the trade of the countries of the enemies of Great Britain, and in the trade of the king's dominions pointing out the necessity of reverting to the old policy under which we have grown to our present greatness, and urging them to obtain, through the medium of their representatives in Parliament, a strict adherence in future to the Navigation and Colonial system of Great Britain, and a firm assertion of our belligerent rights, which would be attended with incalculable advantages to the commerce, manufactures, and revenue of the country, and would, at the same time, contribute essentially to the dignity of his Majesty's crown, as well as to the safety and welfare of his people, until he can obtain a safe, honourable, and lasting peace. Resolved unanimously, that these resolutions be printed, and transmitted by the secretary, to the members of Parliament for the City of London, and Borough of Southwark; and also to the members for the maritime and manufacturing counties, and for the out-ports. and manufacturing towns. We have reason to think that we shall be able to comprise in our SUPPLEMENT additional statements on the subject of the NATIONAL FINANCES: together with a complete view of the products of the taxes for the year 1805-1896, taken quarterly. To that, therefore, we refer our Readers, for further information. Œuvres de Louis XIV. The Works of Louis XIV. [Concluded from Panorama, p. 954 ] THE philosophic mind contemplates with wonder the pursuits and objects of mankind, but with at least equal wonder the means employed to accomplish them. That the ambition of an individual should lead thousands to slaughter, perplexes the man who sees in ambition itself nothing worth striving for; but, when the effects of corruption are displayed to his view, he is forced to acknowledge, in the conduct of mortals, such intricacies as baffle every proposition of what man should be; and while they excite applause at his address and dexterity, excite no less disgust at his meanness and depravity. That labour of the body should be paid for, by the means of supporting the body, is a principle obvious in its nature, and easy in its application: but, that mental sentiment should be thought an article of barter and sale, is astonishing! That any one should be mean enough to wish to buy it, that any one should be unthinking enough to sell it, when chaffered for, and cheapened, exceeds the comprehension of those, who happily, for themselves, have made some proficiency in the principles of rectitude. But, where a community is numerous, the principles which form its bonds, are seldom well understood and appreciated by all its members However noble, however excellent, they may be, some will be insensible to their dignity, and indifferent to their excellence. And these, on the mere appearance of an advantage which allures them, will be tempted to separate from their old connections, and abandon without remorse those engagements which were either expressed, or implied, in their original association. This is greatly to be regretted when the subject of change is religion. When from motives of great interest we see a change effected, of which we have reason to think conviction was not the cause, it excites our regret: what then shall we say, to the purchase of the acquiescence of conscience, or of any principle pretending similarity to conscience, at the price, the fixed price, of a few shillings? would any man act thus in matters of merchandize? If broadcloth were offered at a few pence per yard, who would VOL. 1. [Lit. Pan. March 1807.] even condescend to look at it? and what would be said of the merchant who offered it? Tinsel may be bought cheap; but not gold, for in that is an intrinsic value. To effect conviction, reason requires argument; religion requires the authority of him who instituted it. To matters of faith, gold has no relevance ; but, that it may produce a corrupt influence, or where corruption is already extant, that it may give it a certain direction, are truths which none acquainted with the human heart will deny. we are now to witness that depravity in a king, which supposed that conversion from one religious persuasion to another, might be effected by purchase, and that the party thus bought, would be by so much a better subject, as the expense of his conversion had amounted to. We shall state in Louis's own words his notions on the subject of Protestantism in general; and shall then see the means he adopted for its extirpation in France. Protestants. And And as to this great number of my subjects who profess the religion called reformed, which was an evil I always did, and still do, consider with grief, I formed even then the plan of my whole conduct towards them; which I have reason to be satisfied with, since it has pleased God, that it should produce a very great number of conversions, as it continues to do daily. It appeared to me, my son, that those who advised violent remedies, did not know the nature of the evil. It is in great measure owing to the inflamed state of minds which must be suffered to become sober, and to cool gradually, instead of exciting them afresh by so violent contradictions, which are besides, always useless, when corruption is not limited to a few known people, but pervades the whole kingdom. As far as I could understand, the ignorance of churchmen in former centuries, their luxury, their debauchery, the lad examples they set, and those they were, in consequence forced to tolerate; in short, the abuses of every kind they conrived at, in the conduct of individuals, contrary to the rules and known decisions of the church, have contributed more than any thing else, to the deep wounds it has received from schism and heresy. The new reformers evidently spoke the truth in many matters of fact of this nature; which they condemned, with equal justice and severity. They misled their followers in points of belief; but it is not in the power of the multitude to discover a well disguised falsehood, when it is, besides, concealed 2Q among a number of undeniable truths. In the beginning it was only some trifling differeaces in opinion, and which, I understand, the protestants of Germany, and the Huguenots of France, consider now as of no great monent. These soon produced a wider breach; and this was principally owing to the indiscreet harshness used towards a bold and daring man, who, seeing that he could not recede with honour, engaged deeper in the quarrel, and giving himself up entirely to the impulse of his imagination, took the liberty of examining what he had before received as incontrovertible, and promised mankind an easier and shorter way of effecting their salvation: a sure method of flattering the worldly, and of gaining the multitude. Many were seduced by the love of novelty. Various interests of princes soon became inplicated in this quarrel. Wars in Germany, and afterwards in France, increased the animosity of the supporters of the bad cause: the lower people were still more convinced of the truth of a religion, for which its followers had braved so many dangers; fathers, full of this prejudice, transmitted it to their children with as much acrimony as they could instill into their minds; but in fact, time moderates this passion, as it does all others, which often subside the sooner by not being violently opposed. From this general knowledge, I thought, my son, that the best way to reduce gradually the number of Huguenots in my kingdom, was, in the first place, by no means to press them by any new measure of severity, and to inforce the observance of the immunities they had obtained from my predecessors, but to grant them nothing fürther, and to limit their effect to the strictest bounds, justice and decency could allow. For that purpose, that very year (1661) I named commissioners to carry the Edit de Nantes into execution. I took care in the mean time to stop every where the enterprises of the religionists [He means their exercising their religion in places which were not privileged, and which he mentions afterwards.]. ... But as to the favours, which depended on me alone, I resolved, and I have pretty well kept my resolution, not to grant them any; and this from tenderness rather than from severity, to induce them, thus, to consider now and then, within themselves, and without conpulsion, whether it was upon good grounds they voluntarily deprived themselves of the advantages they might have in common with the rest of my subjects. To avail, myself, however, of their then state of mind which promised that they would listen more willingly than formerly to what might be said to undeceive them, I also resolved, to allure even by recompenses those who might prove tractable; to excite the bishops as much as I could, to labour at their instruction, and to remove the scandals which sometimes alienated them from us; and lastly, never on any account to fill the sees, and other church livings, in my gift, with other than men of picty, application, and learning, able to repair, by a conduct opposite to that of their predecessors, the misfortunes these had chiefly brought on the church. But I am still very far, my son, from having employed all the means I have in view to recover by gentle methods those whom their birth, their education, and more frequently an unenlightened zeal entangle bonâ fide, in those pernicious errors. I hope, therefore, that I shall have other opportunities of resuming this subject, without explaining to you, before hand, designs, in which time and circumstances may occasion a thousand changes. The project of converting the Huguenots, and of uniting the two persuasions which Louis wished to effect by gentle means, had long before occupied the attention of the French government; it had been often taken up, and as often laid aside; and was among the grand conceptions of Cardinal Richelieu. As early as the year 1666, Louis the XIV's council resumed this subject very attentively. The monarch, as was usual with him in all weighty affairs, consulted the Marshall Turenne. The answer of that great man (published in the collection before us) evinces a spirit of moderation and candour, which converts seldom profess towards the religious opinions they have abandoned; nor is it unreasonable to suppose, that it was in some measure owing to his advice, that violent means were not then resorted to. In 1609 the quarrels about jansenism being in some degree compromised, the intolerant party thought this a fair opportunity of again. urging the necessity of an uniformity of belief; and a memorial was accordingly presented to Louis XIV, the original manuscript of which is preserved in the archives of the secretaries of state, with simply this note from the king, Memorial to keep. Its title is "Religious and State Considerations, to shew the existing necessity, and possibility, of uniting the Heretics of France with the Catholic church." It proposed the revocation of the Edit de Nantes, as a matter whose execution alone was wanting completely to restore peace to the church; it also ad vised, to gain over about fifty ministers, | who, by his talents, had obtained the inti to assemble them in a synod, to open conferences between them and catholic doctors, in which those ministers, bought over before hand, would unite with the catholic church; to repeal afterwards the Edit de Nantes, as useless; and to obtain from the Pope a dispensation of some Romish practises, in favour of the most scrupulous protestants. trusted with the management of this fund; mate confidence of this monarch, was enthose who were to work under him. He apand drew up the necessary regulations for prised the bishops, that a sure way to gain the king's favour, was, to send numerous lists of converts: and to observe the instructions contained in a writing, he, at the same time, transmitted to them; he expressly declared, that he only meant future converThese ideas were certainly present to sions; and that he was bound not to report the mind of Louis XIV, when he was to the king those anterior to 1076. The writing, a few months afterwards, (1670) remitted to them, used to send him, in rebishops, after the reception of the sums he I am still very far, my son, from having turn, those lists, with the price of converemployed all the means I have in view, sions marked in the margin, and all the nee. yet there is abundant reason to cessary documents, that is, the abjurations suppose that the measures recommended in and receipts. The common price of these this memorial were not the means he conversions, in distant provinces, was six then alluded to. It is more probable that livres each, (somewhat above half a guinea, he had another plan in contemplation at present currency), some were even lower. that time, though he did not carry it into The dearest I met with, for a whole family execution till afterwards: and this sup if numerous, was forty-two livres (not £4, position is strengthened, by the circum- attentive to see that, to each receipt should by the same calculation), and clerks were stance of Pelisson, who wrote his memorial under him, having been his principal beginning, each province supplied not more be joined am abjuration in due form. In the agent in it; what this plan was we may than between three and four hundred conlearn from M. Rhulieres, the judicious verts, yearly. But things being once estawriter of les Eclaircissements historiques blished on that footing, and the sums being sur les Causes de la Révocation de l'Edit de distributed, per head, at so low an average, Nantes; nor can the details he gives, it became a sort of principle that, the more which are but little known, be deemed money a bishop called for, the greater proof irrelevant to our subject, as they form of Pelisson soon filled the whole court. The he gave of his apostoic zeal. These successes a necessary appendix, and actually com- bigots, themselves, could hardly refrain from plete this part of Louis the XIV's memo-jesting on this golden eloquence: "less rials. After explaining that towards the year 1676, Louis, from some scruples of conscience, parted with Madame de Montespan, who soon afterwards, however, reassumed her ascendency over him; M. Rhulieres adds, The king in this new fit of devotion, or perhaps, to make some atonement for this relapse, applied the third part of the Economats (a revenue arising from church hands) to the conversion of heretics. This application was kept secret for a sufficient length of time; either, from an apprehension of discrediting the conversions, or rather from that sense of propriety which pervaded all Louis's actions; and which could not allow him to manifest such apostolic zeal, while his whole conduct so little corresponded to the holy vocation, Pelisson, a famous convert,* and * This M. Pellisson, was a man of letters, of distinguished merit; the faithful friend of the unfortunate Fouquet, and employed afterwards by Louis XIV to write his memorials under him. He had been a scientific," they used to say, "than that of Bossuet, but much more persuasive." Froin year to year, the funds destined to this religious corruption, were increased. . . . At last, Pelisson succeeded in converting his agency into a kind of ministerial department. It is a thousand pities that, from the moment he ceased to be regular.... From this chest, comhad accomplished this object, his accounts sprung, in fact, almost all the evils which pared by the Huguenots to Pandora's box, befel them. It is easy to conceive, that the purchase of such pretended conversions, among the dregs of the Calvinists, the surprises, the picus frauds which accompanied them, and all those exaggerated unfaithful suaded the king, that the Huguenots were no accounts of time-serving clerks, falsely perlonger attached to their religion; and that the slenderest motive of interest would be Protestant, but changed his religion; and in a curious letter to Louis preserved by Bussy Rabutin, attributes his conversion, under God, to his king's theological arguments: no wonder at the favour he enjoyed. sufficient, to induce them to sacrifice it. To this fatal prejudice may be attributed all the penal laws of which Protestants have been the victims. successively, to the ministers and leading men of other governments, without incurring a debt, the more dangerous because the less public. Wars are expeusive, and during their continuance, they exhaust a nation; whoever, then, prolongs wars unjustly, and excessively, prolongs that exhausting cause, from which to recover effectually, requires much good management, and a length of time, greatly exceeding what politicians generally united both these means of incurring debt, be able to preserve her finances from deficits? This wound, anticipation might conceal, or loans might skin over, but neither could soundly heal. state. This was a rankling disease: internal, therefore hidden, but not the less desperate or fatal, to the constitution of a country. The insight this collection gives us into the real character of Louis XIV, and the variety of original information relative to this monarch, which has been obtained of late years, prove that he has been misrepresented by all his numerous historians. The protestants, and the other religious sects which he persecuted, re-allow. How then, should France, whe gard him as an object of detestation, while the jesuits are unbounded in their praises. To the dogmatic philosopher he appears as a tyrant, to the men of letters whom he paid, as a hero, and his courtiers, from the comparative littleness to By assuming all power, himself, by a which he reduced them, gave him the feeble education bestowed on his chilappellation of Great which for a while dren, though destined to empire, by the prevailed. That Louis was not a hero, introduction of a specious system of mohis own military memoirs abundantly rals, which disguised licentiousness, but prove; nor can he, under any point of did not reform it, Louis loosened those view, be considered as Great. He pos-bonds which are the best security of the sessed neither the comprehensive mind, nor the exalted soul, which alone could entitle him to that proud pre-eminence and his atchievements, however great they might appear, were by no means proportionate to the power he actually possessed. But no one understood better the trade of king as he terms it, whereever his own interests were concerned, for in these, were all his thoughts centered. This is but too well proved, by his home administration, and by his dealings with other sovereigns and those who consider nations as made solely for their rulers, may, if they incline to adulation, continue to call him a Great King. We shall add a few words on the subject of the Edict of Nantes. These we hope will be accepted as a proper close of an article which has repeatedly engaged our attention. According to the best information we have ever met with, Louis XIV. may be considered as having been a primary cause of that revolution which in our own days has exploded with such dreadful violence, so greatly to the distress of his posterity. It can never be supposed, that any nation on the face of the earth, can not only pay the expenses of its own government, but afford to continue considerable bribes for many years Especially the memoirs of Dalrymple; those of St. Simon, and Duclos.. The affectation of desiring to establish uniformity in religion, partook of the same evils: had there been a conformity in religious sentiment, it would have produced uniformity of religious practice: but, without this internal persuasion, of what use was external ceremony? The Protestants were degraded below the due character of rational men-for what purpose ?-That when those who cared nouning for the rights of conscience should occupy the tribune in their turn, ther might vociferate insatiably for the rights of man, and might produce in their oppressed fellow citizens, an instance which all must allow to be undeniable, wherein power had trampled on equity. The edict by which Henry the Fourth of France secured the free exercise of their religion to the Protestants of his kingdom, was signed by him when at Nantes in the year 1598, and from this Under circumstance it derived its name. the protection of this law, the Protestants, though excluded from Paris, and its neighbourhood, not only maintained that form of worship which they approved, but held meetings of their ministers, in which the business of their community was transacted, and these again met yearly |