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quently our Country fall into the greatest Mifery and Confusion?'

I am, SIR, Tours, &c.

SAMPSON THRIFTY.

I AM obliged to my Friend for becoming my Apologift. What he fays of the Clergy is very true; I never intended to speak of the Order in general, than which I know none that ought to have better Souls. But as the Distinction is pretty plain in my Letter, I need fay no more in my Vindi

cation.

IT remains now for me to confider the laft Paragraph of Mr. Thrifty's Letter; and I must own I cannot but think it in great measure suggested by the Prejudices of old Age. Thefe good Gentlemen are apt to think amifs of every thing except what they do themselves, agreeable to what Terence fays in my Motto. I join with him, that if our Ancestors return'd into this World, they would be fomewhat at a loss to know themselves in their Defcendants, and furprized at the difference between the present Condition of Things and what they were at the time they left it. But after all, this would but betray their Weakness and Simplicity; little difference being now made between Surprize or Admiration, and downright Ignorance.

I TAKE it there is a certain fixed Dofe of what is called Virtue and Vice interwoven in the Manners of all Mankind. This Dofe (to use a way of fpeaking I have already employed) condenfes itself in one Country in the fame proportion it is rarefied in another, without ever lofing any thing of its fettled quantity. It is juft like the Syftem of Matter, which, tho unalterable in its Nature and Mafs, is continually circulating in the World, in an infinite number of vary'd Forms and Quantities, and which recovers, by the fparingness used in framing a Spanish Shape, as much of itself as had been prodigally lavish'd away in making up a Dutchman's Buttocks. Now it generally happens that the greater Dole of Virtue, and the fmaller of Vice, falls to the share of thofe States which are yet but in their Beginnings, or in an unsettled Condition: the reason of this is plain; every one allows that Virtue is useful and to be fought for, when it makes a Man find his private Intereft in the publick one of the Society to which he belongs; and in a weak or beginning State, this connection between the private and publick Intereft is fo obvious, that it cannot escape the most fuperficial Obfervation.

WHEN Rome was yet in her Infancy, and furrounded with many warlike People who confpired its Ruin, each Citizen felt that the lofs of a Battle would expofe him and his Family to the merciless cruelty of

the

the Conquerors; this infpired him with an incredible Ardor and Courage. Seeing he must stand or fall with his Country, he took care by a frugal way of living to enrich the publick Treasure with all he could spare. He trained up his Children in the fame Principles of Self-denial for his Country's fake; and by manly Exercises fo ftrengthened their Bodies, as to render them capable of ferving the Republick in the hardiest and most laborious Expeditions. Honour came in too for a fhare, and excited thofe Citizens to an emulation of each other in doing their Duty; from whence arose those generous Extravagances which frequently faved that growing State, and which fome People do still read with great admiration.

BUT when a Country has been fupported for fome time by the Courage and Virtue of its firft Inhabitants; when the Power and Wealth of it are confiderably increas'd by their Frugality and Industry, it is but reafonable that in its turn it thould fupport the riotous Exceffes of the People. The greater and richer the State grows, the more the Tie of the private and publick Intereft is eclipfed; fo that it often happens that a Man finds his private Happiness in ruining and destroying the publick one. If a Subject of a great and flourishing Kingdom gives himself up to all the Exorbitances of Oftentation, Luxury and Debauch; and by the influence

of

of his Example, excites whole Multitudes to fall into the fame Courses; the present Race of his Countrymen will but divert themfelves the better, and at the worse, none but their Grand-children are in danger of paying for thefe Follies. It cannot be expected that Men should carry their Love of their Country so far as Pofterity; but if fo, the way of living Mr. Thrifty condemns will the best anfwer that End, in the way the Rationalifts like moft, I mean that it will oblige our Defcendants to have recourfe to Virtue as the only means of rectifying the bad Effects of our Disorders. The private Intereft fhall again become united with the general one, and our Pofterity will think them infeparable; fo that by their Courage, Wisdom and Temperance, things will wholly be fet right, till they produce another Race, who, by their Imitation of our way of living, will again compel their Offfpring to follow the Steps of Virtue. Now it is plain from thefe Arguments (which are confirm'd by the Hiftories of all Ages and Countries) that the Succeffion of Virtue and Vice is exactly the fame with that of fair and foul Weather, and that they equally depend on neceffary Causes.

I HOPE what I have been saying will convince my good old Friend of the unreasonableness of his Complaints, and that you and the World will judge, I have im

prov'd the Logick of the Fable of the Bees, to very good purpose.

I am, SIR, Yours, &c.

ISAAC ALOGIST.

N° 87. Saturday, November 26, 1726.

To the AUTHOR of the Dublin Journal.

SIR,

P

Vincit amor patriæ.

VIRGIL

UBLICK Spirit and the Love of a Country proceed from a Difpofition fo very amiable, that we eafily forgive a thousand lit

tle Prejudices and Extravagances which flow from them; and can laugh at an honeft Zeal, exerting itself in a humo rous and whimsical manner, without being in the least offended. Nay, it often happens, that the Spirit of Liberty, and a generous Concern for the Publick, receives great Affistance from popular Prejudices, and vulgar Errors. And indeed the Bulk of Mankind are animated to brave and virtuous Actions, by Confiderations which would perhaps appear trifling and abfurd to Men of Vol. II.

U

juft