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P.S. The vicar of a parish in Wales once told me, that he had for years left off reading the Athanasian Creed, and that not one of the parishioners had complained of the omission, except his clerk Philip, who, when tipsy, was sure to mention it! This orthodox son of the church had, it seems, a zeal on the occasion, the ardour of which rose or fell like quicksilver in the barometer, being the exact measurement of his inebriety. An absurd and uncharitable Creed, always a burden to the enlightened and virtu ous conscience, and sometimes the idol of a besotted profligacy, is most assuredly no recommendation to any religious establishment upon earth. Let the Bench of Bishops remedy the crying evil, which hath been denounced by a Tillotson, a Watson and a Jebb, actuated as they were by the hallowed motive of advancing the glory of the one only true and living God, and of subserving the present and eternal welfare of mankind.

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see Lardner, VII. p. 243: "Tiberius, in whose reign the Christian name appeared in the world, having received from Palestine, in Syria, an account of the works which revealed and verified the divinity of Jesus, proposed him to the senate, with the privilege of his own vote in favour of his deification. The senate, because he had refused that honour, rejected the proposal. Cæsar remained of the same opinion, and threatened to punish the accusers of the Christians."

If it were allowed that Tiberius had received from Pilate, in Palestine, an authentic account of Jesus, is it likely that the emperor, who was known to have been indolent, dilatory and indifferent even to the affairs of his own empire, should be hence induced to honour, as a God, one whom in the person of his representative he had crucified as a slave and a malefactor? If this be very improbable, it follows, that Tertullian has asserted what is not true, or has not asserted the whole truth respecting it.

The Heathens, who believed that

there were many gods, and that those gods ofter appear among men, as soon as they became convinced of the miracles of Jesus, concluded that he was a God. His enemies the more readily embraced this notion, as it enabled them

to account for his miracles without embracing his gospel. Tiberius, therefore, as soon as he became assured of the divine works done by our Lord, must have drawn the same conclusion. But how did he become acquainted with those works?

It has been answered, "from the acts of Pilate." This governor well knew that his sovereign would soon hear of the works and condemnation of Jesus. In common prudence, therefore, he would not neglect to transmit an authentic narrative of events, in which the name and power of Cæsar were deeply involved. It was, besides, his imperious duty to do this, and at his peril he would not omit it. These acts existed in the archives of Rome; and Justin Martyr, addressing the then emperor and senate, confidently appeals to them as existing there in his days. If this answer be not satisfactory, every doubt must be removed by Josephus, whose history supplies the astonishing fact, that the

and the prophets, was preached in Rome, made known to all and received by multitudes even before the death of Tiberius. But if this emperor proposed the deification of Jesus, he must have been prompted to do so by some pretended friends of Jesus. And here I am led to another passage. In one of the dialogues of Plutarch, it is asserted, that “Thaumas, an Egyptian pilot, lately come from Egypt, brought with him a report, heard at the Palodes, that the great Pan was dead." "This report," adds Plutarch,

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by Hadrian, namely, that the bishops
of Christ worshiped Osiris. The
people of Lystra would easily take
him, as they did Paul, for Jupiter
come down among them: and we
here see that the magicians, in the
court of Tiberius, supposed him to be
Pan, the sou of Mercury and Penelope.
Eusebius, indeed, affects to suppose,
that by the great Pau was meant not
our Lord, but one of the demons de-
stroyed by him. He must, I presume,
have known better; but though con-
tending for the divinity of Jesus. he
was ashamed to make him one of the
most despicable of the heathen gods.
Lardner objects to this story in Plu-
tarch having any reference to Christ,
as being all over heathenish. But
might we not expect the truth to be
mixed with Heathenism when related
by Heathens? If it had been recorded
in the archives of Lystra, and not in
the Acts of the Apostles, that Jupiter
and Mercury had appeared in the
form of men, and healed a cripple in
that city, and Eusebius had recorded
it on that authority, as referring to
Paul and Barnabas, it is evident that
Lardner would have disbelieved it,
and said that the story was altogether
heatheuish and unworthy of credit.

The miracles which our Lord performed, the reality of which was universally believed in Judea and other countries, disposed the minds of men to receive false miracles. The impostors, who, in Rome and in the provinces, practised the arts of magic, availed themselves of this disposition; and endeavouring, from the real works of Jesus, to attach credit to their own impostures, affected to use and extol his name, while they were cuemies to him and to his gospel. The Samaritan Simon, Barjesus, the sons of Sceva, all mentioned in the book of the Acts, are examples of this kind; and it is reasonable to suppose, that the magicians around Tiberius acted on the same principle. They pronounced him to be Pan, the son of Mercury and Penelope. The character of this god may be seen in one of the dialogues of Lucian; and the monster, as he is there described, shows, that the deceivers, above-mentioned, regarded the blessed Jesus with bitter malice and derision. Tiberius, though a fatalist, was extremely superstitious, and always surrounded by a herd of magicians. The

wicked Jew, whom Josephus holds
forth as a teacher of the gospel in
Rome, was probably in the number
of these impostors: for he was in
league with the priests of Isis, who
effected the destruction of Fulvia, the
wife of Saturninus, an intimate friend
of the emperor; and these priests no
doubt constituted in part the magicians
and astrologers, mentioned by Plu-
tarch, under the name of philologers.
This last author expressly declares,
that the emperor consulted them on this
occasion, and that they gave it as their
opinion, that the person inquired after,
Now, as
was one of the Pagan gods.
it was their opinion that Jesus was a
God, or, in other words, that before
he was put to death be was inhabited
by a god, and as they gave this opi-
nion to the emperor, is it not probable
that they also advised him to procure
his deification from the senate? And
as, moreover, Tiberius was exceed-
ingly devoted to such men, is it not
farther reasonable to suppose, that he
did, from their advice and under their
influence, what he would not have
done from his own temper or from the
acts of Pilate? Tertullian and Euse-
bius were well acquainted with these
circumstances; but being ashamed of
the base advisers of the emperor, they
threw a veil over their interference:
but, at the same time, wishing to
avail themselves of the fact, they left
it by the omission destitute of its
proper evidence.

Justin Martyr, in his first Apology, addressed to the emperor and senate, has the following passage, which has occasioned great perplexity to modern critics: "Simon, a Samaritan, from the village of Gitton, in the reign of Claudius, by means of demons working in him, is, in your royal city, deemed a god, and is honoured as such by a statue from you: which statue had been raised by the river Tiber, between the two bridges, having upon it this inscription, in Latin,

Simoni Deo Sancto,'" p. 38. ed. Thirl. Simon was a shameless and profligate impostor: and it is a fact, that wherever he went he pretended to be a god. His language to his followers, as appears from the Recognitions, ascribed to Clemens, was, "I can be adored as a god, and have divine honours bestowed upon me, so that men shall make me a statue and worship me as a god." To his im

pious pretensions, in this respect, we have the most authentic testimony; since we read in the Acts, that in Samaria he astonished the people by his magical artifices, and professed to be the great power of God. Nor can it be well doubted, but that he assumed this title in opposition to Jesus, who is called the Son of God. It cannot appear improbable that he held the same profession in Rome, where he exercised the same wicked arts. Nor is it less probable that the enemies of the gospel should avail themselves of his pretensious, in order to ridicule or defeat the claims of Jesus, and thus honour him with a statue. Nevertheless, Middleton, a fine writer, but a superficial inquirer, thus remarks, in regard to the above passage: "It is manifest, beyond all reasonable doubt, that Justin was led here into a gross blunder, by his usual want of judgment, and his ignorance of Roman affairs, and his preconceived notions of fabulous stories, which passed current about this Simon amongst the first Christians; for the statue and inscription to which he appeals, were not dedicated to his countryman Simon Magus, of whose deification there is not the least bint in any Roman writer, but to a Sabine deity of ancient worship in Rome, aud of similar name, Semoui Sanco, frequently mentioned by the old writers, as the inscription itself, dug up about two centuries ago from the ruins of that very place which Justin describes, has clearly demonstrated."

The true state of the case was the following: Among those idols which superstition had created in Rome, there was one dedicated to Semo Sanco, the Sabine deity above mentioned. Simon, during his residence in that city, becoming acquainted with that idol, pretended, from the similarity of that name to his own, that he was the divinity meant by it. This similarity was a lucky coincidence; and his artifice in claiming a name so like his own, is well illustrated by what he pretended concerning the prostitute whom he led about with him. She was called Helen, and from this circumstance he gave it out, that she was the wife of Menelaus, whose conjugal infidelity had occasioned the Trojan war. Of Simon's pretensions no proof was necessary with the enemies of the gospel: for the deep-rooted

malice which the Romans cherished towards the Jews in general, and towards Jesus and his disciples in particular, induced them to favour and support any impostor, who partook of their malice and hatred. They, therefore, suffered a new statue, or the old one, to be erected with the inscription, not as before, of Semoni Sanco, but Simoni Deo Sancto. The Roman Senate, base as they were become, had reason to feel shame in conferring a statue on a man who was at ouce a stranger, a vagabond and an impos tor, and that from mere malice towards Jesus and his followers. When, therefore, their purpose was answered, and the name of Simon had passed away, they naturally wished to bury this infamous act in oblivion, by restoring the statue to the original divinity, with the inscription of Semoni Sanco. The statue thus restored was found, as Middleton observes, in the common ruins; and the charge of blunders, with which he seeks to crush poor Justin Martyr, recoils with double weight upon himself.

Some years after the claims of Jesus and of Simon had been discussed at Rome, Josephus was brought an illustrious captive to that city. He witnessed the reproaches thrown upon Jesus and his faithful followers, and he thought it his duty to meet them, by a full and explicit testimony, in his Antiquities. "And about this time existed Jesus, a wise man, if indeed he might be called a man: for he was the author of wonderful works, and a teacher of men, who with delight embraced the things that are true," &c. Now what are the truths to which Josephus here alludes, and what the falsehoods, the charge of which being opposed to them, he had in view to repel? Let this writer be his own interpreter. After his testimony to Jesus, he subjoins an account of the wicked Jew and his associates, who professed to teach the philosophy of Moses, or as we call it, the gospel. It was not consistent with his views, as an historian, to give a detailed account of the doctrines which they taught respecting Christ. It was not at that time necessary; for it was then notorious, that they were in the number of those who inculcated that he was a god, and, as such, not born like other men. He, therefore, contents himself with holding them forth as

impostors, wicked in every respect. But that his aim might not be overlooked, he sets out with saying, that Jesus was a man: and, as it were, to apologize for many sincere believers in him among the Gentiles, who, from his wonderful works, might think him above human, he adds, "If, indeed, he might be called a man." After relating the extraordinary events which concerned Jesus, he adverts to the Samaritan impostor, whom, as the antagonist of Jesus, the Roman Senate had honoured with a statue. "Nor did the Samaritans escape disturbance. For they were stirred up by a man, who made no scruple of telling false hoods, and who, influenced by the desire of popularity, imposed on the multitude by various artifices." Ant. Jud. L. xviii. C. iii. Sect. iv. It is singular, that Josephus should place his account of Jesus at the head of transactions which happened at Rome; and still more so does it appear, that he should relate, in the same connexion, events that took place in Samaria. His reason is now obvious; and his testimony for Jesus is equally genuine with that which he bears against Simon. They each to the other, to the productions acl the same hand; and it must appear mar vellous, that a paragraph respecting Christ, which has been deemed spurious for want of connexion, should be found to be the corner-stone of the whole context.

In his testimony to Jesus, Josephus has excluded the notion of his supernatural birth, as not belonging to his history and that he might point out the base origin of it, he subjoins the wonderful transaction that gave it birth. But this shall be the subject of a subsequent paper.

I

SIR,

JOHN JONES.

Ratcliff Highway, Aug. 3, 1818. FEEL great pleasure in forwarding, for insertion, the following anecdote of Sir William Garrow, copied from the Monthly Magazine of last May. It forms a striking contrast with the instance of malignant bigotry recorded in the Repository of July, p. 448; and is the more interesting when we consider that Sir William, when Attorney-General, was never remarkable for his attachment to the

cause of freedom. But "Libertas quæ sera tamen respexit inertem."

J. W. F.

In a trial at the late Leicester assizes, an attempt was made to invalidate the testimony of a respectable witness, by some impertinent and insulting questions put to him by one of the counsel relative to his religious faith,-which Mr. Baron Garrow said he was not obliged to answer; and he added, "I should not, however, have prevented him from giving an answer if he had chosen, because the answer might have vindicated him from the imputa tion which the question conveyed. But, whatever might have been his answer, whether he declared himself to be a believer in every part of the Holy Scriptures or not, I should, in my address to the jury, have said, that his belief or disbelief in these matters should not impeach his testimony. He might be equally disposed to tell the truth whatever were his religious opinions."-Such language is calculated to increase the number of true Christians.

SIR, Liverpool, Nov. 15, 1817.

HE lamented death of the Right Hon. John Philpot Curran, get corded in your Obituary, [XII. 625, 626,] reminded me of the following extracts which I made some time ago, from a collection of his Speeches, the 4th edit. 8vo. 1815. The additional interest they derive from the reflection that now they are amongst the monuments of departed genius, joined to that which their intrinsic excellence claims, will perhaps render them worthy a place in the pages of the Repository-a work that, I trust, will ever be ready to offer its tribute of willing admiration to talents, which like those of Curran's were always employed in the service of liberty. The speeches from which these extracts are made, were printed from short-hand notes taken during their delivery, and never received the finishing touches of their author's hand; but with all their imperfections they furnish highly favourable specimens of his commanding eloquence. It will soon be discovered that this eloquence is completely Irish:

which, whilst it disclaims the formality of the schools, and by the gaudiness of its ornaments continually offends against the refinement of an

the eloquence of nature, and seldom fails to arouse the strongest feelings of the human heart. The following account of Mr. Curran's eloquence, which is itself no bad specimen of the faculty it describes, will form a suitable preface to the extracts :

elegant taste, is yet nearly allied to the horrors of that direful period, when in defiance of the remoustance of the ever-to-be-lamented Abercrombie, our people were surrendered to the licentious brutality of the soldiery, by the authority of the state; you would vainly endeavour to give her a general picture of lust and rapiue and murder and conflagration. Instead of exhibiting the picture of a whole province, select a single object, and even in that single object, do not release the imagination of your hearer from its task, by giving more than an outline. Take a cottage, place the affrighted mother of her orphan daughters at the door, the paleness of death upon her face, and more than its agonies in her heart, her aching eye, her anxious ear, struggling through the mists of the closing day to catch the approaches of desolation and dishonour. The ruffian gang arrives; the feast of plunder begins; the cup of madness kindles in its circulation; the wandering glances of the ravisher become concentrated upon the shrinking and devoted victim. You need not dilate, you need not expatiate; the unpolluted mother to whom you tell the story of horror, beseeches you not to proceed; she presses her child to her heart, she drowns it in her tears; her fancy catches more than an angel's tongue can describe; at a single view she takes in the whole miserable succession of force, of profanation, of despair, of death.

"In the cross examination of a witness, he (Mr. C.,) is unequalled. The most intricate web that fraud, malice or corruption ever wove against the life, fortune or character of an individual, he can unravel. Let truth and falsehood be ever so ingeniously dovetailed into each other, he separates them with facility. He surveys his ground like a skilful general, marks every avenue of approach, knows when to attack, when to yield; instantly seizes the first inconsistency of testimony, pursues his advantage with dexterity and caution, till at last he completely involves perjury in the confusion of its contradictions. And while the bribed and suborned witness is writhing in the agony of detected falsehood, he wrings from him the truth, and snatches the devoted victim from the altar. It is when in a case of this kind he speaks to a jury, that he appears as if designed by Providence to be the refuge of the unfortunate, the protector of the oppressed. In the course of his eloquence the classic treasures of profane antiquity are exhausted. He draws fresh supplies from the sacred fountain of living water. The records of Holy Writ afford him the sublimest allusions. It is then he stirs every principle that agitates the heart or sways the conscience, carries his auditory whither he pleases, ascends from man to the Deity, and again almost seems to call down fire from heaven; while they who listen, filled with a sense of inward greatness, feel the high nobility of their nature, in beholding a being of the same species gifted with such transcendent qualities, and wrapt in wonder and delight have a momentary belief, that to admire the talents, is to participate in the genius of the orator." Pref. p. 10.

B. G.

1. A Detail of a single Fact, often more impressive than a general Description.

If, for instance, you wished to couvey to the mind of an English matron,

2. A Slave cannot breathe in England.

The spirit of British law makes liberty commensurate with and inseparable from British soil; it proclaims even to the stranger and sojourner the moment he sets his foot on British earth, that the ground on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius of universal emancipation. No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no matter what complexion incompatible with freedom, an Indian or an African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of slavery ; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the God sink together in the dust, his soul walks abroad in her own majesty; his body swells beyond the measure of his

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