COTTON.-The late movement, combined with a variety of other circumstances, has caused a fall of fully one tael per picul: till within the last week not a sale was made. About 1,000 bales have now changed hands-800 Bombay at taels 9.2, and 200 Tinuivelly at 10.1 per picul. Considering the sudden risc in prices the clearances have been large, exceeding the imports by 1,000 bales. The market is now quiet, as speculators were holding off till the arrival of the mail; should accounts from Liverpool confirm the short crops in America, we expect to see considerably higher rates rule here. The Chinese brokers are, however, not yet convinced of a deficiency in production; nor will they be, until on the setting in of the south west monsoon they find that vessels do not drop in as usual from Bombay. We quote, Bombay, first quality, taels 9.4; No. 2. at 8.4; No. 3. at 7.8;-Bengal, No. 1. at 9.5; No. 2. at 8.6;-Madras, No. 1. at 9.6; No. 2. at teals 8.3 per picul. The sales made at same period last year comprised, Bombay, 16.563 bales at 5.3 to 7.5; Bengal, 200 bales at 8.3; Tinnivelly, 151 bales at 7.5 to 7.9.

The following is the warehouse-report compared with previous years, from which it will be observed that stocks and imports are very bare:

ALLEN'S INDIAN MAIL,

LONDON,

THURSDAY, June 24, 1847.

INCREASED rapidity of locomotion is now so much an object of desire that any extraordinary instance of its attainment merits notice. Such an instance is afforded by the passage from London to Bombay of the Mail, which left the former place on the 7th of April. The transit between the Post-office in London and the Post-office in Bombay was effected in twenty-eight days and twenty-one hours; being the shortest passage ever made. It is not to be expected that the same time will always suffice-but what would the men of the days of ORME and CLIVE say, could they be reanimated, to learn that a voyage between England and India had been performed in less than twenty-nine days! Let but an adequate system of railway communication be established in the Eastern territories, and a communication between Great Britain and the remotest point in India will occupy about the same time that was taken up in a journey between London and Scotland a century or two ago.

Having adverted to railways, we cannot but express our ardent hope that some arrangement will soon be concluded under which a commencement may be made of the great work of intersecting India with these important instruments of communication. We now get from London to the ports of India with extraordinary speed; but having touched the coast we are brought to a stand. Whatever circumstances may press, whatever interests may be at stake, we cannot advance from the coast to the upper country except at the old snail's pace. The Government at home can communicate with the Government in India in a period varying from a fourth to a sixth of the time formerly consumed; but the local Government cannot communicate with its servants in the distant provinces in much, if in any, less time than was required before steam was employed for purposes of locomotion. Surely it is not a time for British India to stand still when all the world is in motion. Yet, from some cause or other, the preparations giving to India the advantages of railroads drag on at any thing but a railway pace; it seems as if the subject occasionally was forgotten altogether. What the difficulties of the question may be they only can tell who have officially examined the question; but surely they cannot be insurmountable, nor even of very serious character. The establishment of railways in India would make that country rich and its government safe. And are not national wealth and public safety objects worth some moderate sacrifice?

19,731 20,019

12,300

DELIVERY.

1847 April 20 1846

1845 1844

30

6,851 3,746 13,115 1,812 1,789 14.491 3,814 1,426 12,317 3,089 2,293

705

2,320

THERE is a story of a perverse and spoiled child, who was roaring vociferously for some fruit which had been refused him. His mother, at last, worn out by his noise, pushed the coveted article towards him, saying, “There, take it!" But the ill-conditioned urchin, instead of being appeased by this sacrifice of parental authority, roared ten times louder than before; and as soon as subsiding passion would allow of his articulating with sufficient distinctness to be understood, he exclaimed, "What did you give it me for? I wanted to snatch it ?"

Something like this is the conduct of the leaders of "the great Salt Movement." They have been roaring and blubbering for a reduction of the duty on salt imported into India, like this boy for the fruit; a reduction has been made, and it might be inferred that they were content. They, however, who should draw this inference would be mistaken, for the salt agitators are more angry than ever, and blow their penny trumpets into a squeak of anguish indicative of the most grievous disappointment What then did they want? Was it not a reduction of the duty levied on the commodity in which they deal? Undoubtedly it was; but in granting it, the government of India have actually had the effrontery to reduce at the same time the charge upon native salt. This is not to be borne. True, the Cheshire and Worcestershire men have shouted 66 no monopoly" till they were hoarse; but then the monopoly which they denounced was a monopoly in the hands of other people, and a nice little snug monopoly of their own would have been the very thing to suit them. True, they have raised piteous howlings over the miserable condition of the poor people of India on account of the high price which they had to pay for their salt. The local government have lowered the price, and all the sympathy of the agitators with the poor Indian people is gone-its fountains are dried up; for England is not to have the exclusive right of seasoning the food of the Hindoo. Not long since they regarded, or seemed to regard, the people of India as the philanthropist regarded the needy knifegrinder. "Drops of compassion stood on their trembling eyelids ready to fall" in pity for their want of salt; but no sooner is a remedy applied, than the gentle drops of mercy change to streams of scalding rage at finding that the objects of their late sympathy were to be permitted to consume any salt but that which was furnished by the pans of the benevolent agitators. And so "the great salt movement" has turned out-like all such affairs-a great delusion. The agitators sought to delude the public by canting and hypocritical professions of humanity; but the tables are turned upon them, and they find themselves the only parties deluded in the business. The delusion they prepared for themselves, and they richly deserve the reward they have met with. Not an honest man either at home or in India but will be ready to exclaim-" May all who make public principle a stalking-horse for private gain meet with the fate that has overtaken the men of salt!"

NAPOLEON, or his flatterers, boasted that he could command events. Few of the sons of men will pretend to this extent of power; and though we sometimes meet with those who undertake to predict events, we must regard such as deceiving themselves, and seeking to deceive others, even when they confine their vaticinations to results appearing most likely to follow in the ordinary course of things. To account for events after they have occurred, to trace the steps by which they have been brought about, and to mark the concatenation of the whole series, has, however, been usually regarded as within the compass of the human faculties. We begin, however, to believe that even this is too great a task for man, and that to account for the past is almost as much beyond his power as to anticipate the future.

We constantly witness the occurrence of events which

are as unaccountable as they were unexpected; and strange to say, these specimens of the unintelligible are furnished chiefly by that higher class of human intellects (for higher they must be supposed to be) that preside over the destinies of nations, and exercise, as far as they can be exercised by dependent creatures, the power of setting up and pulling down. They who occupy the seats of authority must be believed to have earned their position by their exalted merits,-especially in this country, where virtually they owe their elevation to the House of Commons,-that House being now, through the influence of the "purge" to which it was subjected some years since, purified to the highest degree of sublimated excellence. That House, embodying in itself the concentrated virtue and intelligence of the United Kingdom (the "collective wisdom" it used to be called), that House could never, we must think, raise to eminent station men capable of acting otherwise than with the highest justice, and the soundest judgment—men

"The first in wisdom as the first in place;"

yet facts do now and then transpire which might somewhat stagger our faith, if it were at all wavering. One of these revelations has just been made, and the world is still wondering at it,-a process which does not seem likely to come to a speedy termination, since the more men reflect upon the strange story the less they understand it.

Sir EARDLEY WILMOT, a Warwickshire baronet, we believe, was some time since selected for the post of Governor of Van Dieman's Land, by the deliberative wisdom of the Colonial department, where, as all the world is aware, and as the actual state of the colonies abundantly testifies, wisdom, absolute as that which once dwelt under the hat of a celebrated London alderman presides, with unimpeached and universal sway. The very mention of the colonies conjures up visions of prosperity, peace, and good government; and in that department of the state wherein these blessings are secured to countries so widely spread, and so greatly varying in their circumstances, we naturally expect the highest qualities of statesmanship. Who shall say that we do not find them? Far be so unpolite an assertion from In spite of facts, however multiplied-in spite of all experience-in spite of every thing, we must believe the Colonial department to be as good an engine for governing the outlying dependencies of the Crown as can be devised, and that all engaged in it, from the secretary for the time being, whoever he may be, down to the messengers who carry his boxes, and the porters who sweep his lobbies, are the very fittest persons for their respective employments that could by possibility be found; while all the acts of this matchless department, whether creative or destructive, are wise and just. Still they are sometimes unaccountable,—a fact perhaps arising from the almost superhuman intelligence in which they originate.

us.

Sir EARDLEY WILMOT was appointed governor of Van Dieman's Land, and took possession of his appointment. In a short time the great and immaculate department at home became dissatisfied with him. This is nothing strange. It is quite in ordinary course. We never heard of an Australasian governor who gave satisfaction. We suspect that such an existence is an impossibility—that a governor of any portion of her Majesty's Australasian possessions, who should give satisfaction is not only

"A faultless monster which the world ne'er saw,"

but one which it never can see. While the connection between those possessions and the office at home exists (and may it be eternal), governors will continue to go out, enjoy a brief tenure of authority, and give dissatisfaction. In giving rise to this moody feeling, therefore, Sir EARDLEY WILMOT only fulfilled the necessary condition of his destiny. It was as much a condition of his existence as an Australasian governor, as to eat, drink, and sleep were conditions of his existence as a man. All who preceded him gave dissatisfaction, and all who follow him will do the like. So far all is direct, straightforward, and according to rule. Sir EARDLEY WILMOT gave dissatisfaction, and he was recalled. But there is a singular little epilogue attached to this very ordinary drama, which altogether takes it out of the domains of common-place. A public despatch was written, telling Sir EARDLEY WILMOT that he was recalled, and a secret despatch indited, apprising him that certain statements, injuriously affecting his moral character, had been made to somebody somewhere,-for it does not appear whether or not they were made to the Colonial Secretary, or to the Commissioners of Excise. Indeed, it seems almost clear that they were not made to the first-named authority, for we are assured that no record of them exists in the Colonial Office. We may conclude, then, that the accusations were not made there, for of course we cannot suspect the Colonial officials of any thing so atrocious as destroying information regularly in their custody. It comes, then, to this: that the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, by whom Sir EARDLEY WILMOT was dismissed, and by whom the knowledge of the charges made against the dismissed Governor was imparted to the object of them, acted upon information which was not regularly before him. Such irregularities may be small matter in the Colonial Department judging from the strange freaks which we have seen played on other occasions, we dare say they are; but they would be considered very discreditable anywhere else. It seems that somewhere about the Colonial Office there is a lion's head, in which slander may be dropped at the will of any one disposed to dabble in the article; that of such slander no record is kept; that when it is called for by those who have a right to demand it, the answer is, that it cannot be furnished because it cannot be found; that all the drawers and cupboards of the Department have been searched, but that upon the subject in question they furnish nothing; yet the slander is allowed to go forth and do its work, and men claiming the character of gentlemen are not ashamed to be concerned in such transactions. What a state of things is this, where the reputation of men may be whispered away they know not how; and when they or their friends call for the particulars, they are to be answered that no record can be found of the matter! The Colonial Office, indeed! Let it henceforth be known as the Colonial Inquisition; for such proceedings more resemble the dark deeds of that tribunal than any thing hitherto known in England. The result is much the same with both authorities. The elder inquisition burnt its victims at the stake; the victim of the younger inquisition dies of a broken heart. And when the names of the accusers are demanded in the great inquest of the nation, they are refused. The charges are declared to be false and slanderous; but the slanderers are shielded. One gentleman, we are told, has an objection to his name being given up. We do not doubt that he has; men who commit crimes have usually a very strong objection to being found

-

out: we do not generally, however, allow them to stipulate for secrecy. But there were two other accusers, who made no bargain for concealment; yet their names are kept back, it appears, from a point of honour,-for there is honour even among the concocters and propagators of slander. Is not all this monstrous? Of Sir EARDLEY WILMOT's private character we know nothing, and of his public character very little; but it is not now pretended by any one that the.. charges against him had any foundation in truth; it is distinctly and authoritatively stated that there were no grounds for them. He is no longer capable of receiving satisfaction from the vindication of his character; but his libellers live, and why are they exempted from the deserved punishment of exposure? Who are they, and why do Mr. GLADSTONE and the colonial people shield them? Are they connected with some influential persons whose wish is sufficient to insure their impunity? Or is it the practice of the Colonial Office to conceal the names of all secret accusers in order to encourage men to state privately that which they would not dare to affirm in public? The secret accusers of Sir EARDLEY WILMOT, whoever they may be, are publicly declared slanderers; yet their names are kept back. Surely. calumny must be very much in favour where calumniators are treated so tenderly. But at the Colonial Office they know nothing-there is no record to be found; and the officials, good simple innocent souls, have not the least notion who the libellers of Sir EARDLEY WILMOT could be. Well-let us give them the benefit of their ignorance. Mr. GLADSTONE knows them at any rate. Why did he not give their names? Why did he not instruct his mouthpiece in the House of Commons to denounce the men who had misled him? This question will be asked again and again, though we are quite aware that it is perfectly idle to inquire why Mr. GLADSTONE does, or forbears to do, any thing. He is a metaphysician,— the most misty of the misty tribe, and a politician the most incomprehensible, even of the present incomprehensible race of politicians. He lives in a dream, and his acts have no more coherence or connection than the scenes which flit before the fancy in that bewildering state. His speeches and writings no man can interpret; his prin ciples, political, theological, or moral, no man can expound; his votes no man can reconcile with each other or with common sense. In mental constitution he differs as much from all other men as in bodily structure do the prodigies exhibited for twopence a head at fairs and wakes. He is as great a curiosity in his way as an ass with five legs or a calf with only three. No human acuteness can detect what he is driving at when he pours forth orally, or in writing, lucubrations, alike interminable and inexplicable; and there is no resource but to set him down with those

"Who now to sense and now to nonsense leaning, Mean not, but blunder round about a meaning !" This indeed is the conclusion of charity, but many doubt even if he can get so far as the precincts of a meaning. No human judgment can guess at his motives; every act of his public life seems isolated from every other, and to be with,

out motive as without purpose. No human sagacity can conjecture how he is likely to act under any given circumstances. There is but one safe course, and that is, to imagine how any other man would act, and to observe how Mr. GLADSTONE has acted on similar occasions before→→→→ and we may be sure that he will do something quite different

from the usual course of other men, and not less different from that which he himself previously followed. He has long been felt as a burden by the party to which hé has attached himself—as one of those dangerous combinations of explosive materials which are quite as likely to do mischief to friends as to enemies. It has long been known that he was too visionary for a practical statesman, and too ponderously heavy for an effective advocate. A mixture of lead and quicksilver, of lumpishness and eccentricity, men have long regarded him with a degree of wonder, mixed with some sprinkling of contempt. But his dealings with Sir EARDLEY, WILMOT and the calumniators of that gentleman-his headlong precipitation in acting upon information which turned out untrustworthy and false, and his subsequent concealment of the names of his informers, call forth different feelings. So long as Mr. GLADSTONE stands forth as a public man, so long will the facts of his conduct in regard to the case of Sir EARDLEY WILMOT cling round him with a depressing effect equal to that of his own speeches. We remember, on one occasion, while he was colonial secretary, that when required to answer some question relating to the business of his department, it was found necessary to rouse him from a profound sleep which he was enjoying, stretched at full length upon one of the benches of the House of Commons. How often he must have wished, since the matter has been blown up, that, when he gave ear to the false witnesses against Sir EARDLEY WILMOT, and committed their falsehoods to writing, he had been in the same inglorious, but harmless state! As a public character, his reputation is gone for ever. The blow which his own hand has inflicted on it is one from which recovery is impossible.

GENERAL ROBERTSON.

GENERAL ROBERTSON, whose death is announced in another part of our paper, was born in the year 1782, and was admitted to the military service of the East India Company in 1801. His destination was to Bombay, and after being engaged in various military duties, he was, in 1809, appointed assistant to the collector in Guzerat. He was subsequently nominated collector of

a new zillah at Ahmedabad, and in 1822, he succeeded Mr. Morrison as Collector of Surat. Thence he was transferred to Candeish, and in 1830 he became resident and commandant at Sattara. He was exempted from the operation of the orders of the Court directing the removal of military officers from civil situations; but towards the close of the year 1831, he retired from Sattara, and in January 1832 embarked for Europe. He returned to Bombay in 1836, but again proceeded to Europe in 1837. In 1841 he was elected a Director of the East India Company on the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. Edmonstone.

General Robertson's official conduct was on several occasions deemed worthy of the approbation both of the local and the home government; and he was universally acknowledged to be a most amiable and kind-hearted man. His death was sudden and unexpected. Two candidates, General Caulfeild and Captain Eastwick, are in the field for the vacant seat in the direction. The ballot is fixed for Wednesday, the 30th inst.

RAILWAY PROCEEDINGS.

CEYLON RAILWAY.

A special meeting of the shareholders in this Company was held at the London Tavern yesterday, Mr. W. H. Thomas in the chair. The Report stated that the estimated cost of the railway was 850,000l. Finding that the Government were not disposed to involve the revenue of the colony in a guarantee on the capital required for the whole line, the directors submitted a plan to make only the first section of the line, at a cost of 258,7951., exclusive of working stock. To this proposal the Government acceded, granting the free use of the land for ninety-nine years occupied by the railway, and guaranteeing a

dividend of five per cent. per annum, for that period, on the capital expended; the Government having the right to pur chase the railway at par after the expiration of fifty years, at twenty-five years' purchase, and the reversion of the line without purchase at the end of ninety-nine years. The directors deemed it expedient for the present to reduce the capital from 1,000,000l. to 300,000l., and the 50%, shares to 151. each. It is estimated, at the existing charge of transport, exclusive of passengers, that a return of about nineteen per cent. on the capital may be realized; that a call of 20s. per share will be sufficient for the present year; that the works on the first section, thirtytwo miles in length, can be completed in less than two years. The goods traffic estimated to pass over it is 76,000l.; working expenses, 19.000l.; profit, 57,000. The accounts shew that the receipts were 5,3671.; the payments, 4,959; and the excess of liabilities over assets up to the 17th of June, 1847, 3097.

Resolutions were unanimously passed adopting the Report, and approving of the reduction in the amount of shares from 501 to 151. each, and the option of taking them before the 15th of July next.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

JUNE 4.-Indian Salt v. British Salt.-Viscount SANDON begged to put a question to the President of the Board of Con trol, whether he had received intelligence of a notification published by the Deputy-Governor of Bengal, on the 31st day of March, 1847, by which, on and after the 1st day of April, 1847, the prices of salt in store in Calcutta, manufactured under the Government monopoly, and the duty on imported salt, were to be reduced, but unequally, and without notice to the importers; and if so, what steps the Government in this country were prepared to take in respect of such enactment?

Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE stated that it was quite true that the Indian Government had reduced not only the price but the duty upon salt, and the reduction extended not only to native salt but British imported. He had received a communication from the agents of the salt mines at Calcutta, expressive of the alarm of the merchants and importers at this notification. He had, therefore, thought it his duty to look into the subject, and he would as speedily as possible present to the House the papers which had accompanied the notification, and which would fully explain the motives of the Indian Government in making this important change. But before the papers were read, after looking into the matter, he might state that there was nothing whatever of which the British importer had any right to complain. The reduction was the same to the native producers as to the British importers. The reduction in British imported salt was twentyfive rupees, and though there seemed a great difference between that and the reduction on the native salt, it arose from a mistake in the calculation caused by reckoning the price and duty toge ther. The reduction was, however, the greatest on the Cuttack salt, which came most in competition with the British, but for this the Indian Government had assigned very satisfactory

reasons.

In answer to a few observations from Lord SANDON,

Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE said that the British importers had not been taken by surprise, for the last notification, on the 25th of March, 1846, had only stated that no change would take place before the 1st of April, 1847, a sufficient intimation that a change might take place after.

Sir J. PAKINGTON inquired whether the recent notification had been determined on as a counter-check to the despatch of the British Government of February last?

Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE said that it had come across his mind that such might be the case, but the dates altogether negatived such a supposition.

JUNE 7.-The late Sir Eardley Wilmot and Mr. Gladstone.Mr. SPOONER called attention to certain correspondence relating to the recal of Sir E. Wilmot from the government of Van Diemen's Land. His object in so doing was to rescue the memory of that unfortunate gentleman from the atrocious charges that had been made against him, and on account of which Mr. Gladstone had informed him (Sir E. Wilmot) in a private despatch accompanying the public one containing his recal, "that he could not be recommended for the resumption of active duties in any other colony."

Sir R. PEEL, on behalf of himself and Mr. Gladstone, expressed his sincere conviction that the charges made against Sir Eardley Wilmot were false and scandalous. (Loud cheers.) The information furnished to Mr. Gladstone was erroneous.

Mr. HAWES stated that in the Colonial Office there were no records of the information on which Mr. Gladstone had acted. Mr. ROEBUCK, in strong language, condemned the whole pro

ceedings, and especially denounced the conduct of the late Government in refusing to give up the names of the calumniators of the late Governor of Van Diemen's Land.

A lengthened discussion took place, during which several members bore high testimony to the character of Sir Eardley, and the conduct of Mr. Gladstone was reprobated in severe terms by many speakers, after which the subject dropped, Mr. Spooner declaring himself satisfied with the explicit retraction by the late Premier.

DEBATE AT THE EAST-INDIA HOUSE.

A Quarterly General Court of Proprietors was held yesterday. The minutes of the last Court having been read and confirmed, The CHAIRMAN (Henry St. George Tucker, Esq.) said that the warrants for the dividends would be ready for delivery on the 6th July.

Papers presented to Parliament, and a list of the superannuations, were laid on the table.

The report of the Committee of Bye-laws was presented by the Chairman, R. Twining, Esq. It stated that the bye-laws had been duly observed during the past year. The same Committee were re-elected, William Fox and James Ewing, Esqrs., being selected in the room of Robert Williams and Alex. Annand, Esqrs., deceased.

TEMPLE OF JUGGERNAUT.

The CHAIRMAN called on

:Mr. POYNDER, who handed in a petition from the Baptist Mission Society, and proceeded to argue that all further connection with this temple on the part of the English Government should be discontinued. He did not advise that idolatry should be forcibly abolished in our Indian territories, but he recommended that all British aid should be withheld. He repudiated an idea which even some of his personal friends entertained, namely, that we were under a pledge of support to the temple. There never was a greater mistake-a greater hallucination: we were under no pledge whatever. It was not to be supposed that such men as the Marquis Wellesley and his illustrious brother, would countenance such a proceeding as that of contributing to uphold idolatry. He had gone through every charter, in the library, with the assistance of their excellent librarian, Dr. Wilkins, now alas no more, and he could find nothing whatever to support the supposition that we were under an obligation to the Temple of Juggurnaut. Mr. Poynder read voluminous extracts from reports furnished by the Commissioner of Cuttack, and from various other documents, and described the scenes enacted in the Temple as revolting in the extreme. He might be permitted to refer to an account in the Holy Scriptures of Bel and the Dragon, gifts were sent in to that Temple, and it was clear the Dragon could not use them, so that some one was the better for them; and so it was with the Temple of Juggurnaut, the priests and dancing girls lived on the contributions to the idol. The punishment of God, however, might overtake them, as it had overtaken other idolatrous countries. While he thanked God for the great advance in Christianity in India-while he thanked God that churches had been built-nay, even a cathedral-that schools had been established, and religion propogated, he thought it his duty to ask, whether, after sending out the illustrious Swartz and other missionaries, and doing so much for the cause of religion, the tribute was still to be paid to the Temple of Juggernaut? Again, he denid that there was any obligation to continue the annual payment, and in support of this opinion he quoted a conversation in a court of law, where it was asked that the treaties or original agreements conferring the grant might be produced, but they could not be. The hon. proprietor read a letter from a missionary, in which the writer stated he had heard on good authority that a regiment passing the Temple of Juggernaut had stopped to pay homage, and that the Colonel, a British officer, had contributed a sum of money, and prostrated himself before the idol; and strongly urging the propriety of at once relinquishing all support to the temple, concluded by moving :

"That it appearing that the continued pecuniary allowance to the Temple of Juggernaut (subject only to a recent modification) proceeds upon the assumption of a pledge presumed to have been originally given upon the conquest of Cuttack, and that the late recommendation of the Bengal Government for the continuance of this money payment under another form appears to require further consideration, it be referred to the hon. Court of Directors to review the arguments for the continuance of this annual payment, having especial reference to their own despatch to the Bengal Government, of the 20th of February, 1843.”

The CHAIRMAN.-I have listened attentively to all that the honourable gentleman has said, and I think that his object is to obtain further papers on the subject. These papers I now hold in my hand, and I cannot help thinking that the hon. proprietor has been a little premature in his observations. I am of opinion he

would have done better to have waited till he had read these present additional papers. I do not see that this discussion is likely to tend to any advantageous result. As far as Government is concerned, they have done their duty, and withdrawn from all connection with the Temple so far as their engagements would permit. The hon. proprietor seems to suppose that the Court of Directors is not cordially seconded in their endeavours by the Indian Government, but this, I am happy to say, is a great mistake; and however desirous we may be to discourage idolatry, still, if there are pecuniary engagements, as there are, they must be fulfilled. The additional papers I now lay before you, and when the hon. proprietor has read them I shall be delighted to hear any other motion on the subject. With respect to a British officer paying homage to the idol, I totally disclaim such an assertion. I don't believe there is any British officer who would so act. (Hear, hear.)

After a short discussion the motion was withdrawn.

"That copies of all correspondence and memorials relative to Indian railways be laid before the Court of Proprietors." In introducing which the hon. proprietor entered into lengthy statements, shewing the advantages that would accrue to India from the construction of railways. The way to increase the value of the produce of India was to facilitate communication, and this would be done most effectually by railroads. Common roads produce no revenue, and are therefore left to themselves; but railways, though three, four, or five times as expensive at first, are yet cheaper in the end, and the only roads that can be made with advantage. Next to a scarcity of wheat, one of cotton would be the most felt in England, and some alarm has been raised lest the supply from America should cease. Mr. Sullivan here read some voluminous extracts from comparative statements respecting the Indian cotton trade, and also a letter from a cotton grower in India, which stated that the cotton crop was expected to prove a failure, not from a bad harvest, but from a want of bullocks to convey the produce, and bullocks were scarce from a dearth of water. If improved methods of transit were adopted, £35,000 per annum might be saved to the community on this one article alone. For some years past various improvements had been made in the cultivation of the cotton plant, but they might improve it as much as they chose, no real beneficial result would follow without the construction of railways. Coimbatore was a great cotton district, but the harvest was not reaped till the middle of April, and in May the communication by water, which was the only source available, was closed, so that a whole year is consumed before the cotton can be disposed of, greatly to its detriment and to the loss of the merchant. Tobacco, too, was an article of great growth and consumption in India, and would form a considerable portion of the trade by railway. With respect to salt he need not make many remarks. If they were induced or constrained to abandon the duty on that article, their empire would be reduced to beggary, at the same time no great advantage would accrue to this country, for there were about 2,000 miles of sea coast in India that produced salt naturally. A moderate duty on salt was not felt by any, but where the duty became heavy, it fell most severely on the labourer. The hon. proprietor then read some extracts from the prospectus of an Indian Railway Company, and affirmed that a company to which he had belonged had become defunt through the withering neglect of the home authorities. If some railway companies yet withstood the attacks of that neglect, it was because their constituencies were large and more powerful, but he could assure them they would all, sooner or later, fall. He condemned the conduct of the Government in selecting one railway for its especial patronage, and more especially for selecting one the least useful of any contemplated. If they must support only one, why not select one in the Bombay or Madras presidencies, where the want of good transit accommodation was severely felt. In those presidencies there were no rivers, and the prices and dues for transit were very high. It was as expensive to send a cargo of goods from Madras to Bombay as it was to send one from either of those places to England. In Bengal the railway would compete with the steam navigation on the Ganges; and add to all, the engineering difficulties in Bengal were of such a nature that what would cost 5,000l. per mile in either of the other presidencies, would in Bengal cost 25,0007. (Hear, hear.) In Madras and Bombay yearly emeutes occurred, and vast sums of money were used in the conveyance of troops, while the time a journey of any length took was also another argument for the introduction of railways in those presidencies; and it was incontrovertible that, to be able to