mittee, Chancellor of Exchequer moved the new duties on wines, gl. per ton additional on French wines, and 61. per ton additional on Portugal; he obferved that thefe duties would be payable on all wines which would be entered fubfequent to the 25th of March though they might have been imported previous to that date. Those therefore who had wines in the ftores must enter them and pay the duty before the 25th of March, or if they should defer the payment till after that day they would become liable to the new charge. The chancellor of the exchequer propofed that the committee should now agree to the duty of 24. per pound on paper, which he faid might be objected to and difcuffed at any future ftage of its progrefs previous to the committal of the bill in which it should be included. This revived the debate on the propriety of the duty-Mr. Grattan and the chancellor fpoke repeatedly and alternately for fome time, and each adduced fome new arguments in fupport of his respective opinion. The chancellor of the exchequer perfiting in preffing the refolution, it was put and carried, with an intimation to Mr. Grattan, that, if the petitioners thought proper to fupport their petition he would on to-morrow defire that they might be examined. He then moved, the new duty of three halfpence per bushel on white falt imported, which he faid, he meant rather as a protection to the native manufacture of salt against the duty on rock falt lately laid on in England, than as a matser of revenue. It paffed without oppofition or remark. The right hon. Mr. Grattan gave notice, that he should on monday bring forward a motion for the reciprocal adjustment of the channel trade between Great Britain and Ireland. 13.] The committee appointed to enquire into the conduct of the commiffioners of wide-ftreets, refpecting the contract made between them and Mr. Henry Ottiwell, fat in the house, and examined lord Mountjoy for an hour and a half, from whofe evidence it appeared, "that Mr. Ottiwell's propofal had been debated feveral days, and at very full boards; that estimates were laid before them by gentlemen of experience, and in the confidence of the commiffioners of wideftreets, that his propofal exceeded their estimates, and the closing the bargain was a faving to the public of at least 6000l. that on the contrary in other parts of the city of Dublin, particularly on the north fide of the river the public fustained a lofs to the amount of 15000l. that a map (12 months previous to Mr. Ottwell's propofal) had been hung up in the exchange, for public inspection, that he could in fome degree take upon himself to judge of the contract, as he was much concerned in fetting grounds on building leafes; that at that time he fet grounds for 4s. per foot, which in a year or two afterwards were fet for a guinea and 255.that he does not believe that Mr. Ottiwell had any partner, and that he fent in his propofal as Ottiwell and co. merely as a guarantee to the board; that the price paid by Mr. Ottiwell was a good one in his opinion; and that he never knew the board to open any avenue fo cheap " 15.] The right hon. Mr. Grattan now rofe to bring forward his motion for equalizing the channel trade between Great Britain and Ireland, by reciprocally admitting the manufactures of either country into the other upon equal rates of duty. The queftion, he faid, now food upon different ground from what it had done at former periods, in which it had been agitated. It was heretofore rather a queftion of general debate than of dirifion, for the juftice of the principle had not been denied, though the measure had been hitherto evaded. But he contended that found policy, as well as ftrict justice, called upon Great Britain, no longer to refift a principle of which no man can deny the propriety. Inafmuch as intereft was that link of iron which bound nations in mutual amity, infomuch that this principle calculated to cement the two countries in ftronger attachments, and to extirpate all invidious jealousies, which an illiberal oppofition of interests had some time fown between them.-if any doubt of the wildom of this policy existed before the French treaty, fuch doubts must now be removed for ever; for truly, England would not pretend to argue for the juftice of opening her ports for the manufacture of a natural enemy, and yet shut them against those of Ireland; she would not furely perfift in a principle so preposterously unjust. li was a principle already admitted by gentlemen on the other fide of the house who recommended a reliance upon the exertions of those who were in the confidence of the British government, rather than any declaration or exertion on the part of the parliament of Ireland. A noble lord, who wa minifter of the crown in that house, when the queftion was brought forward in 1792, (lord Hobart) promifed and undertook the negociation and fettlement of this bufinefs with the British government, and it was generally understood that the matter was in train, and would have been adjufted, fully to the fatisfaction of Ireland. He really believes that the noble lord was fincere in his purpofe, and was convinced it had not failed through any inactivity on his part. The matter had however again dropt into neglect, and fince the departure of that noble lord from this coun try na propofal whatever had come forward from any of his fucceffors. For his own part, he did not think the mea fure was fuch a one as could be effected by nego ciation, unaided by fome step or refolution, however temperate on the part of parliament, whole duty to their country loudly called for their interference. It was by this mode of proceeding that Ireland had obtained her free conftitution; her free trade; the independence of her legisla ture; and every valuable privilege, political and commercial, fhe now enjoyed. The equality of trade he looked for, was not that which gave us a participation of commerce in the Weft, in lieu of refigning our right to trade to the Eaft, but an equality fuch as ought to fubfift between two free and friendly nations; more especially, nations pledged to stand or fall together; nations bound by the ties of common interef ntereft and common affection; governed by one king, one conftitution and linked in one common fate. Ireland had contributed to the general aid in thefe times of misfortune, largely indeed: her debt was increased five millions: her taxes, 300,000l. per annum; had replenished the fleets of England, and recruited her armies; had contributed largely in provifions, and largely by the zeal of the country; fhe was not therefore unreasonable in afking what was admitted to be her right before he made thofe exertions. It was faid that the trade of the country was profperous, and likely to profper; it might be fo, but the country had overdrawn her ability. To anfwer fuch exertions, her refources fhould be multiplied. What was the statement of the country? in ten years her linen manufacture had increased onethird; in the last three it had been at a ftand; her debt in four years had increased five millions; her taxes in ten years had increased half a million, fo that she had overdrawn her ability. The revenues of the last year were faid to be flourishing, but that arofe from the including the arrears of the former year paid in, but the last half year's accounts would fhew the truth.. He did not ftate thefe circumstances to infpire difficulty, but to induce gentlemen to feek for further resources; our refources fhould be multiplied as our expences were increased. The lord Lieutenant's speech from the throne very laudably pointed the attention of parliament to the manufactures of the country; the fpeech in this instance could not merely mean the linen manufacture, in the promotion of which, the zeal and exertions of parliament were already unremitting, but must have meant the multiplying of other manufactures, by which the general profperity of the country would be advanced, and the general fituation of the lower orders of the people ameliorated; and how could this be done more effectually than by establishing a reciprocity between the ports and markets of both countries for the manufactures of each other. The original fyftem of commerce between Great Britain and Ireland was, as to this country, merely colonial; it was settled on a principle which obliged Ireland to prefer England, not only to all other nations, but even to herfelf, and in her own markets; but he would grant this principle had been a good deal done away by the meafures which took place in 1779, and fince. With refpect to the object he had in view, he thought that if a British minifter was ever fo much attached to the measure, it would be impoffible for him to effect it without fome interference, fome declaration on the part of the Irish parliament, in terms however temperate, as to the right and the claim of Ireland; and if the parliament of Ireland should refufe to interfere on the part of their conftituents, how was it to be expected that a British minifter fhould? Ireland could not fucceed in this object, unless when the had fomething to give away in 1791, in 1792, a measure had been brought before the houfe relative to the East India trade; the right of Ire land to a share of that trade was admitted, but the queftion was got rid of generally by the order of the day. At length the charter of the India company came to be renewed; the parliament of Ireland paffed an act, giving to the company an exclufive trade as far as this country was concerned, and in return this country received a fhare of that trade, because she had something to give away. The right had been repeatedly admitted on all fides, and the only argument against the fruition of this right was the inexpediency of particular perfons, or the illiberal jealousy of British manufacturers. But those were arguments that must for ever exift and prevail, unless the Irish parliament would affert the juftice of the claim on behalf of their country, and exprefs fome feeling of the injuftice this country had fo Jong patiently fuftained. It was from fuch an interference on the part of her parliament, and not from her good manners or paffive fubmiffion, that Ireland had any justice to expect on this head. Mr. Grattan having dwelt at much length on this head, propofed two motions-the one a refolution, that it is juft and expedient that the manufactures of Ireland be admitted into the ports. of Great Britain, on terms not lefs favourable than thofe of Great Britain are admitted into the ports of Ireland. The other, that an humble addrefs be prefent ed to his majesty, laying before him this refolution, and befeeching that he would be graciously pleafed to recommend to his parliament of Great Britain the adoption of fuch measures as should tend to that effect. Mr. Grattan then moved the firft refolution. The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid he should not have to trouble the houfe in a long reply to the arguments of the right hon. gentleman, for he should admit that the principles he urged were both just and equitable, and that they could be combated on no other ground but the inexpediency of the time at which they were pushed forward. He differed from him in the principle that the measure must of neceffity be effected by a parliamentary interference on the part of this country, and that it could not be effected by negociation. But the right hon. gentleman had reafon to know, but which he knew it would be improper in him to divulge, that the business might be effected by negociation, perhaps much more eligibly than in the manner he now urged. The bufinefs of the Weft India trade, and the conftruction of the British navigation act in fayour of this country, were effected by negociation, and fo might this business at an eligible opportunity. There was every reafon to hope that when this measure could be brought forward with propriety, it would be done. The most conciliating decla rations had been made towards this country by the British government, and it was better the bufinefs fhould be effected in a manner honourable to both countries, than rafhly urged on one hand or ungraciously ceded upon the other. Great conceffions had already been made by Great Britain, and there was no reafon whatever to imagine but that the fame fyftem would continue until Ireland would receive every thing which in reafon fhe could af Nnn 2 or or expect; but he would ask was the period of an arduous war the best time to prefs the present measure which would excite the alarms of the British towns, or was it a fit period to excite jealoufies in Ireland? Certainly no; every man muft own the kindness of Great Britain to this country, and her own good fenfe muft induce her to increase that kindness. That the propofed fy item would be advantageous to Ireland, no man would deny; but it was by no means of fuch importance as had been argued; of what advantage would it be for inftance, that Britain fhould throw open her markets for manufactures of this country, in which it was acknowledged fhe would underfell us in our own markets ten per cent. after paying freight and duties. The right hon. gentleman has complained that the expences of the country had increased, but that the trade and profperity of the country had not advanced: was it fair then to compare a war expence and a war trade, and eftim te the profperity of the country from a comparison of temporary circumftances fo unfavourable? Did not every man know, that the moment war ceafed that our expences muft rapidly cease, and our commerce profper. There was no man who knew any thing of the circumstances of the country who must not know that our profperity for the last ten years, notwithstanding the war, was beyond the example of any nation in any age. Agreeing however as he did with the principle and object of the motion, but differing as to the expedieney of the time, and the mode propofed, he should move the order of the day. Sir Laurence Parfons thought the divifion on the first night of this feffion, rendered this motion abfolutely neceffary, nor could he think how it was poffible for gentlemen on the other fide, to refift a motion, the principle and object of which was admitted on all hands. In 93-94-95the fame principle was admitted. The minifter of the day admitted its juftice, and was athamed to reject it, but got rid of it by the question of adjournment; but to this very principle which no minifter had ventured to give a negative, this houfe had given a plump negative on the first night of the feffion, on rejecting the amendment propofed by the right hon. gentleman.-if he was to understand gentlemen, even the British minifter was well difpoled to the meature, and the only objection was, that the manufacturers of England would be difple fed; but was this a reafon for that houfe to offer to the people of Ireland, for declining to urge the justice of their claims. It was impoffibie that the British minifter could believe it was the wish of Ireland to obtain the object, unlets the parliament of the country would declare it. What then must be his opinion when he fees that on the first night of the teffion, out of three hundred members, but fixteen voted for this principle, and that when it is again brought forward this night, it is again rejected by moving the order of the day. He conceived that a period of war, so far from being inexpedient to urge this mealure, was the moft eligible, feeing that every great concefiion this country obtained from England, was attained in the time of war, and that in the last ten years, feven of which were peace, no regulation on the head propofed this night was ever made by Great Britain in favour of Ireland. He was fatisfied the measure would never be obtained for this country, unless by the spirit of her parliament in afferting the claim; let the house even pafs but the first of the two refolutions propofed, nothing was given, it was not a measure of hoftility bet of justice. England by confulting the intereft of Ireland in this inftance, would confult her own, and render the connection more valuable. The more profperous was Ireland, the better would he be able to aid England in her neceffities. But would any man fay it was a princi ple of amity between fifter nations, that while the ports and markets of Ireland were open to all the manufactures of Britain, her's were fhut againt us. For instance, the duty on Irish printed linens on exportation into England, is twenty times greater than that on the British commodity in Ireland; that on new drapery was upwards of forty times greater-and that on woollen cloths eighty times greater. Was this reciprocation? Satisfied Did England treat in this way the moft alien nations, or even revolted America. however as he was of the nec flity of the refslution, he should vote for it moft heartly. Sir H. Langribe laid, that on the subject of his right hon. friend (Mr Grattan's) motion, there was no difference of opinion, but he wished to controvert the argument of the right hon. bart. that the house in rejecting the amendment to the addrefs in anfwer to the fpeech from the throne on the first night of the feffion had by any means rejected the principle; it was only the informa lity of introducing luch an amendment on fuch an occafion, that the house rejected it. With refpect to the commercial treaty between England and France, which gentlemen teemed to confider as invidious towards Ireland, it feemed to be much misunderstood, fo far was that treaty from being confiderea as advantageous to France, that it was condemned by every Frenchman who knew any thing of the trade of his country, while by the English it was held as a conceffion to French vanity, which opened an advantageous market for British manufactures. Gentlemen teemed to confider the nature of our trade with England as extremely ruinous, and totally without advantage; he had however documents to prove that England was the only country on earth in which we traded, where the balance was in our favour, as from a comp.ritoa of our exports and imports to and from that country, the average balance in our favour was annually 334,5301.—whereas upon a fimilar comparison of our trade with all the world befide, the balance was but 621,000). With regard to the principle of his right hon. friend, (Milton) the British minifter had been repeatedly told of its justice and policy, and he was confident would ufe his best endeavours to effect it; but it was not easy to remove prejudices amongst the mechanics in England, nor was the prefent the best time in the world for any mea fure that could tend to excite alarm; but be trusted the period was not far removed when the measure would be fuccessful, and that his right hon. friend would live to fee his with fully accomplished. Sir Hercules Langrishe concluded by voting for the order of the day. Mr. Fletcher inveighed much against that fpecies of argument always ufed against the motion of his right hon. friend, which conftantly urged the inexpediency of time and circumitance and always held it either too foon or too late to do juftice to this country; he urged the neceffity of the motion, and gave it his hearty concurrence. Mr. W. Smith faid, fince I have had the ho nour of a feat in this houfe, my courfe has been to vote with government or against them, according to my opinion of the particular measure which they fupported.-1 cannot hesitate to vote for the propofed refolution; and if I be to affign reafons, fhall fay it is because I am an honeft man, and a friend to Ireland. That the principle which this refolution goes moderately to affert, is a juft and equitable one, is not controverted; its juftice is admitted on all fides; but we are advised to rely upon the private faith of ministers, and to profecute our juft claim by the mode of negociation, But, my experience tells me, that in private life, this repofing on mens'juttice and liberality is imprudent; and that we fhall be generally apt to meet at the hands of those with whom we deal, about as much good treatment as we infift on with fpirit, and no more; at least if not in private, this is the cafe I believe in public life; and eminently true in tranfactions between nation and nation. Yet, if the meature were now brought forward for the first time, and we are called on to poftpone difcuffion, and give government opportunity to atchieve the bufinefs themselves, 1 fhould probably acquiefce. But the cafe is far otherwife : Several years have elapfed, and no step has been taken towards fatisfying a claim, of which the justice is recognized. The measure has been propofed in times of peace, and of war; but neither period was deemed proper for bringing it for ward. In what third relation can a country ftand, befides these two of peace and war? When fhall we arrive at that fituation of public affairs, when minifters may do what they admit is right to be done? I have lived long enough (though not for many years) in the world, to deteft and be weary of the custom of admitting the juftice of a principle where it is too obvious to be difputed; but oppofing it with a falfe fuggestion of expediency. Let men not admit a theory with which their practice is at variance; their admiffions ferve only to remind us of their ill conduct. I faid on a former occafion, and I repeat it now, that what is notoriously juft, can seldom be inexpedient. The fairness and equity of the measure is admitted by gentlemen on the other fide; then, why (it is faid) prefs a refolution of which the purport is not controverted?-1 regard but little the private admiffions of individuals, the hints and murmurs of acquiefcence which come from perfons in the confidence of miniftry. Let them be ever fo honest, or ever fo fincere, (and I do not know whether or not they be fincere, for I will pay no idle compliments), their memories may yet fail them; they may forget, or qualify their prefent admiffions; but a refolution once entered on your journals cannot be explained away; ic will record your prefent fentiments, and speak them explicitly hereafter. But ftill we are addressed on the subject of expediency. The times are difturbed. True. But in the midst of all calamity to which fuch disturbances lead, they produce one good effect: they whisper, or sometimes speak in a louder tone, in the ear of corrupt governments to be just. The times are disturbed. I admit they are." Factious perfons, in their cabals, are feizing on every topic of complant against the government. Ought we to furnish them with a plaufible fub- · ject to enlarge on? Shall we put it in their power to say that a measure, concerning the justice of which there could not be a controverfy, cannot be attained; but that an Irish house of com- * mons, forbids its even being difcuffed? We are told that the measure, whenever adopted, cannot prove of ferious benefit to this country. Of this we must take our chance. A very oppofite language has been held heretofore; and the affertion of to-night has not been proved, It does not appear but that if the prefent difcouraging duties on Irish articles were virtually removed, the English might quit fome branches of trade, into which they have been forced by the protecting fyftem, and strike into other lines of traffic equally beneficial to them, yet, at the fame time, leaving opportunity for us to profit by; and thus the cominerce of England might be nothing injured on the whole; yet the export trade of Ireland be materially advanced. I fpeak my fentiments freely; though with a confcioufnels of my own individual unimportance. But this is the line which I fhall invariably purfue; fo long as I have any fhare in the politics of my country. Nor in alluding to my want of confequence do I mean to humiliate myfelf. I know, and feel what I am; and fhall be as cautious of under-rating, as of thinking more of myself than I should. But it is admitted, that the proposed measure is not only just to Ireland, but uninjurious to Great Britain; and fo known to be to all enlightened Englishmen. This is admitted on all hands. Why then delay its adoption? In compliance, forfooth, with the prejudices of certain British manufacturers. What! whilft instead of shewing indulgence to the unhappy prejudices of many of our own deluded countrymen, we are about to encounter these prejudices with strong additions to our penal code, fhall we facrifice to the ignorance of a fet of obfcure English mechanics, (fome of them, as at Manchester, no ftrangers to fedition) the acknowledged rights and interests of all Ireland ? 1 fhall never give fuch a conduc the fupport of my voice; I give my hearty vote for the refolution. Mr. Curran faid, he would not trouble the houfe long, and that it was indeed to no purpose, to trouble the houfe long. He faw, he faid, that the only object of the other fide of the house was a divifion, and that an early divifion; and he doubted not there were at that moment forty cooks in Dublin who were apprised that it was not neceffary to keep dinner back: he lamented, however, that a gentleman of character should be thrust forward to move fo ungraciously, the order of the day upon fuch a question; and obferved upon this method of treating a matter of fo much moment to the intereft of the country, with great indignation, as peculiarly unwife and improper, under the critical circumstances of the prefent times, which, he said, called at leaft, as much for the probity as for the authority of parliament; and adverting to the disturbances that existed in different parts of the kingdom, faid that the conduct of an honest and prudent government would be to inquire ferioully into the caufes of the people's difcontent, and at one and the fame time to redress their grievances, if they fhould appear to have any, and to reprefs with vigour, and, if neceffary, to punish with rigour their excefies; whereas the fyftem of the prefent administration, was to exafperate, if not provoke the latter, by obftinately and contumelioutly refufing to remove or to investigate the former; and that reprefenting government to the people as nothing but an object of terror and diflike. He enforced this obfervation very strongly, by remarking on the conduct of gentlemen in the confidence of administration that night; instead of conciliating the affections of the people, by a temperate affertion of their rights, and by fhewing a difpofition to advance gradually to the attainment of them, contemptuously turning even from the difcuffion of them, and refusing to enter into the confideration of a measure of all others perhaps moft calculated to allay popular difcontent; at the very moment they were forced to confels the juftice of its principle: thus at once acknowledging or fhamefully betraying, or as fhamefully deferting the interefts and the rights of their country. He then expofed with great ability, the injuftice and the fallacy of the argument (if an argument it could be called instead of an infult), that was founded upon the prefumption of an inexperienced and uncapitaled country like this, immediately coping with, and rivalling the commerce that was fuftained by the skill, and the enterprize, and the experience, and the opulence of the traders of Great Britain our rights, be faid, must be made equal, but our advantages muft continue to be inferior to thofe of the country, and this, he infifted, was an incontrovertible answer to that narrow, illiberal, and difhoneft policy which we ought rather to difdain to anfwer, and which was faid (he hoped and be lieved untruly faid,) to be the actuating principle of the trading interest of England; he was, faid, too much a friend to that country to believe, that fuch was its principle, but if it way however mistaken and unjust he might think it, he could not but feel some respect for the minister (and he recommended that fentiment to the con fideration of those who were called the ministry here) who felt in the disposition and the wither a great body of the people a powerful and a formidable rettraint upon his conduct. But, h faid, if that really were the cafe, if the Li cashire and the Warwickshire manufacturers were fuch potentates as that their prejudices could att be refifted, nor even reasoned with by the English minifter, instead of an expoftulation with him, he would propofe one with them; he would recommend that a bare legged deputation from this country should be fent to their high mightineffes, the lords of the buckle and the button manufactory, humbly to reprefent to then that the wel fare of the two kingdoms is not abfolutely incom patible, that we are only feeking to benefit our felves in a fmall and a gradual, without injuring them in the smallest degree, and to intreat that they will be gracioufly pleafed to permit their minifter to permit our parliament to act with fome regard for the interefts of its conftituents, and with fome respect for its own independence. (To be continued.) P O E TR Y. On the Death of the Rev. Dr. Kippis. By Helen Maria Williams. Paris, Oct. 26, 1795. LEAS'D 'midft the tempeft, whofe conflicting waves PLEAS The buoyant form of Gallic freedom braves, mourn: Friend of my life! by ev'ry tie endear'd, Him thro' life's length'ning fcene I mark with pride, My earlett teacher, and my latest guide. The hope that refts above, my childhood And lifted firit to God my ductile thought. rofe, |