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You secretly engross the power, while you decline the title, of minister, and though you dare not be chancellor, you know how to secure the emoluments of the office. Are the seals to be for ever in commission, that you may enjoy five thousand pounds a-year! I beg pardon, my lord; your fears have interposed at last, and forced you to resign. The odium of continuing speaker of the House of Lords upon such terms was too formidable to be resisted. What a multitude of bad passions are forced to submit to a constitutional infirmity! But, though you have relinquished the salary, you still assume the rights of a minister. Your conduct, it seems, must be defended in parliament. For what other purpose is your wretched friend, that miserable serjeant, posted to the House of Commons? Is it in the abilities of a Mr. Leigh to defend the great Lord Mansfield? Or is he only the punch of the puppet-show, to speak as he is prompted by the chief juggler behind the curtain*?

In public affairs, my lord, cunning, let it be ever so well wrought, will not conduct a man honourably through life. Like bad money, it rnay be current for a time, but it will soon be cried down. It cannot consist with a liberal spirit, though it be sometimes united with extraordinary qualifications. When I acknowledge your abilities, you may believe I am sincere. I feel for human nature, when I see a man, so gifted as you are, descend to such vile practices. Yet do not suffer your vanity to console you too soon.

Believe me, my good lord, you are not admired in the same degree in which you are detested. It is only the partiality of your friends, that balances the defects of your heart with the superiority of your understanding. No learned man, even among

* This paragraph gagged poor Leigh. I really am concerned for the man, and wish it were possible to open his mouth.

He is a very pretty orator.

your own tribe, thinks you qualified to preside in a court of common law; yet it is confessed, that, under Justiniąn, you might have made an incomparable prætor, It is remarkable enough, but I hope not ominous, that the laws you understand best, and the judges you affect to admire most, flourished in the decline of a great empire, and are supposed to have contributed to its fall.

Here, my lord, it may be proper for us to pause together. It is not for my own sake that I wish you to consider the delicacy of your situation. Beware how you indulge the first emotions of your resentment. This paper is delivered to the world, and cannot be recalled, The persecution of an innocent printer cannot alter facts, nor refute arguments. Do not furnish me with farther materials against yourself. An honest man, like the true religion, appeals to the understanding, or mor, destly confides in the internal evidence of his conscience. The impostor employs force instead of argument, imposes silence where he cannot convince, and propagates his character by the sword.

JUNIUS,

LETTER XLII.

TO

THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.

SIR,

January 30, 1771. If we recollect in what manner the king's friends have been constantly employed, we shall have no reason to be surprised at any condition of disgrace to

which the once-respected name of Englishmen may be degraded. His majesty has no cares, but such as concern the laws and constitution of this country. In his royal breast there is no room left for resentment, no place for hostile sentiments against the natural enemies of his crown. The system of government is uniform; violence and oppression at home can only, be supported by treachery and submission abroad. When the civil rights of the people are daringly invaded on one side, what bave we to expect, but that their political rights should be deserted and betrayed, in the same proportion, on the other ? The plan of domestic policy which has been invariably pursued from the moment of his present majesty's accession,engrosses all the attention of his servants. They know, that the security of their places depends upon their maintaining, at any hazard, the secret system of the closet. A foreign war might embarrass, an unfavourable event might ruin the minister and defeat the deep-laid scheme of policy to which he and his associates owe their employments. Rather than suffer the execution of that scheme to be delayed or interrupted, the king has been advised to make a public surrender, a solemn sacrifice, in the face of all Europe, not only of the interests of his subjects, but of his own personal reputation, and of the dignity of that crown which his predecessors have worn with honour. These are strong terms, sir, but they are supported by fact and argument.

The king of Great Britain had been, for some years, in possession of an island, to which, as the ministry themselves have repeatedly asserted, the Spaniards had no claim of right. The importance of the place is not in question. If it were, a better judgment might be formed of it from the opinion of Lord Anson and Lord Egmont, and from the apxiety of the Spaniards, than from any fallacious insinuations thrown out by men, whose interest it is to undervalue that property which they are determined to relinquish. The pretensions of Spain were a subject of negociation between the two courts. They had been discussed, but not admitted. The king of Spain, in these circumstances, bids adieu to ami. cable negociation, and appeals directly to the sword. The expedition against Port-Egmont does not appear to have been a sudden ill-concerted enterprize. It seems to have been conducted not only with the usual military precautions, but in all the forms and ceremonies of war. A frigate was first employed to examine the strength of the place. A message was then sent, demanding immediate possession, in the catholic king's name, and ordering our people to depart. At last a military force appears, and compels the garrison to surrender. A formal capitulation ensues; and his majesty's ship, which might at least have been permitted to bring home his troops immediately, is detained in port twenty days, and het rudder forcibly taken away. This train of facts carries no appearance of the rashness or violence of a Spanish governor. On the contrary, the whole plan seems to have been formed and executed, in consequence of deliberate orders, and a regular instruction from the Spanish court. Mr. Bucarelli is not a pirate, , nor has he been treated as such by those who employed him. I feel for the honour of a gentleman when I affirm, that our king owes him a signal reparation. Where will the humiliation of this country end? A king of Great Britain, not contented with placing himself upon a level with the Spanish governor, descends so low as to do a notorious injustice to that governor. As a salvo for his own reputation, he has been advised to traduce the character of a brave officer, and to treat him as a common robber, when he knew with certainty, that

Mr. Bucarelli had acted in obedience to his orders, and had done no more than his duty. Thus it happens in private life, with a man who has no spirit nor sense of honour. One of his equals orders a servant to strike him : Instead of returning the blow to the master, bis courage is contented with throwing an aspersion, equally false and public, upon the character of the servant.

This short recapitulation was necessary to introduce the consideration of his majesty's speech of 13th November, 1770, and the subsequent measures of government. The excessive caution with which the speech was drawn ap had impressed upon me an early conviction, that no serious resentment was thought of, and that the conclusion of the business, whenever it happened, must, in some degree, be dishonourable to England. There appears, through the whole speech, a guard and reserve in the choice of expression, which shows how.careful the ministry were, not to embarrass their future projects by any firm or spirited declaration from the throne. When all hopes of peace are lost, his majesty tells his parliament, that he is preparing, not for barbarous war, but (with all his mother's softness) for a different situation. An open hostility, authorised by the catholic king, is called an act of a governor. This act, to avoid the mention of a regular siege and surrender, passes under the piratical description of seizing by force; and the thing taken is described, not as a part of the king's territory or proper dominion, but merely as a possession; a word expressly chosen in contradistinction to, and exclusion of, the idea of right, and to prepare us for a future surrender both of the right and of the possession. Yet this speech, sir, cautious and equivocal as it is, cannot, by any sophistry, be accommodated to the measures which have since been adopted. It seemed to promise, that whatever might be given up by secret stipulation, some

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