to the progress of the reformation in Spain and Italy did not promote it *. Killing indeed is decisive work; and had it proceeded in this nation, what would have been the event is among the secrets of Omniscience. But if the plan recommended be indeed, although not at first sight apparently, yet in fact, and to some second sights demonstrably, so great a benefit to the Protestant cause, and so, slowly and secretly indeed, but

*See, on this important and interesting subject, the valuable, but posthumous and imperfect work of DAN. GERDES, entitled Specimen Italiæ Reformatæ, &c. Lugd. Bat. 1765, 4to. On a subject of which no regular history exists, and of which the best now to be collected must consist of fragments derived from incidental notices of all descriptions; it being the policy and practice of the enemies of true Christianity, who in this instance were the victors, to suppress, as much as possible, the memory and very name of those whom they overbore and immolated (for those who were condemned by the Inquisition were considered, according to our author's observation, as if they had not been born), agreeably to the spirit of that article in the Instructio of CLEMENS VIII., prefixed to his Index, De Correct. § ii. Itemque epitheta honorifica, et omnia in laudem hæreticorum dicta deleantur, and amplified with much intensity in the Spanish Index of 1640, Advertencias, &c. v.-it is matter of surprise, that a work so satisfactory could be compiled: and the reader, with the author, will have enjoyed the appearance of another work on the same subject (embracing the kindred events in Spain) by an author, so able to do it justice as Dr. Thomas M'CRIE. The volume which accomplishes one portion of this object has appeared, and certainly has not disappointed the high expectations which were previously formed of the research and general ability with which it would be executed. Gerdes's work, however, is not superseded. The sister-work of the Scottish historian on the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Spain has likewise appeared; and, if it be not better written than the former, certainly possesses more unity and in

terest.

surely, ruinous to the Roman, how is it, that the numberless adherents of the papacy, among who are not usually suspected of ignorance or indifference as respects the interests, the stability and advancement of their religion, they should yet, in this instance, discover such unaccountable obtuseness of understanding, as to foresee none of these calamities, but even hail them, and with their utmost power promote their accomplishment? That they should feel no objection to the prevalence of the opinion is no matter of surprise. The surprise really is, that such an opinion should prevail *. It may be permitted just to observe, with respect to exclusions, and more especially that which seems to be most felt, exclusion from seats in Parliament: that when the clergy, who may be equally able with any layman, and without cure; when all under age, who are often better qualified than their elders in all necessary acquirements; when persons of insufficient fortune, which certainly is an inferior disqualification; and when women, whose capacities are not less than those of some men, and who may be sovereigns-are all excluded from the legislature, it is out of all reason

* I had written these remarks on this strange argument before I had read the convincing, solemn, and energetic conclusion of Mr. Townsend's Accusations of History against the Church of Rome, directed against the same argument. Pp. 502 to the end, of edition 1826.

for those to complain of the same exclusion, who are themselves the authors of it, while they voluntarily submit their better part to a foreign tyranny. Another sophism obtruded upon us, is, that we do little honour to our Protestantism by seeming to fear a contest with Romanism on equal terms. And if the subject were matter of simple argument, this would be true. For the argument we fear nothing. But we strongly suspect, that were one of our instructors to encounter a robber or assassin, he would feel little consolation in having on his side the best of the argument on the morality of robbery or murder; and much less would he think it incumbent upon him to present either the one or the other with a pistol, if destitute of that important weapon. Neither would he, it may be presumed, be induced, even by his own logic, to abandon the exclusive system, so odious and insulting as it is represented by those whom it mainly affects, of locking, bolting and barring his doors, or of contributing for a watch to his street, at night. In fact, those, who regard some means as unlawful, are only on equal terms with an enemy, who regards all as lawful, by having the power, and using it, of preventing those means from coming within his reach. What is a syllogism or a demonstration against a sword or a faggot, a crusade or an Armada, a massacre or

Y

an Auto de fe?* As little of truth, integrity, or wisdom, likewise, is there in selecting and proposing, as a specimen of Romanism, indi

* There is something more of practical intelligence in the views of RICHARD BAXTER on this subject than is discoverable in the published futilities of some who would be understood to be his admirers and imitators. In his acute and now valuable Key for Catholics, to open the Jugling of the Jesuits, London, 1659, &c., is a passage, from which they might have acquired wisdom, but must now be contented only to receive rebuke.

'If the Papists can but get into the saddle, either by deceiving the Rulers or Commanders, or by bringing foreign force against us, they will give us leave to dispute, and write, and preach against them, and laugh at us that will stand talking only, while they are working: And when the sword is in their hand, they will soon answer all our arguments with a fagot, a hatchet, or halter; Smithfield confuted the Protestants, whom both the Universities could not confute. Their Inquisition is a school where they dispute more advantageously than in Academies. Though all the learned men in the world could not confute the poor Albigenses, Waldenses, and Bohemians, yet, by these iron arguments, they had men who presently stopt the mouths of many thousands, if not hundred thousands of them, even as the Mahometans confute the Christians. A strappado is a knotty argument. In how few days did they confute 30,000 Protestants in and about Paris, till they left them not (on earth) a word to say? In how few weeks space did the ignorant Irish thus stop the mouths of many thousand Protestants? Even in Ulster alone, as is strongly conjectured, by testimony on oath, about an 150,000 men were mortally silenced: Alas! we now find that the poor Irish commonly know but little more of Christ, but that he is a better man of the two than St. Patrick; and therefore how long might they have been before they could have silenced so many Protestants any other way? There is nothing like stone dead, with a Papist. They love not to tire themselves with disputes, when the business may be sooner and more successfully dispatched.

'Well, seeing this is the way which they are resolved on, and no peaceable motions will serve for the preventing it, all men that have care of the Church and cause of Jesus Christ, and the happiness of their posterity, have cause to stand on watch and guard; not to be cruel to them (leave that to

viduals of that persuasion, whose character and conduct are excellent and amiable, and whose very creed appears to be nearly unexception

He

themselves), but to be secured from their cruelty. I should be abundantly more earnest than I am, to press all men to such a patience and submission in causes of Religion, as leaves all to God alone, but that we all see how the Papists are still at the door with the swords in their hand, and watching for an opportunity to break in. And if in modesty we stand still and let them alone, they will give us free leave when they have the day, to call them traytors, or perfidious, or what we please. Let loosers talk; Let them have the rule, and then make the best you can of your arguments. If they can once get England and other Protestant countries into the case of Spain and Italy, their treachery shall not be cast in their teeth, for they will leave none alive and at liberty to do it. When we see in good sadness that it is Navies and Armies, and stabbing of Kings and Powder-plots, and Massacres which we have to dispute against, it is time to be able to answer them in their own way, or we lose the day. It is not a good cause, or wit, or learning, or honesty, that will then serve turns. I know God is allsufficient for his Church, and in him must be our trust; but he requireth us to expect his blessing in the use of lawful probable means. can give us corn without plowing and sowing; but we have little reason to forbear these and expect it. He can convert men without preaching; but yet the blessing of God doth presuppose Paul's planting, and Apollos' watering. He can rule and defend us without Magistrates, but it is not his appointed way. And he can save us from deceitful bloody men, without our care, and vigilancy, and resistance; but it is not his ordinary appointed course in which he would have us look to him for deliverance. And, therefore, in the name of God, let Princes and Parliaments be vigilant; for they watch for the outward security of the Church and Common-wealth, (as Ministers do for our spiritual wel-fare) as those who must give account. And let the people take heed what Parliament or Magistrates they choose; and let all that love the Gospel, and the prosperity of the Christian world, and of their posterity, have their eyes in their head, and take heed of that bloody hand, which hath in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Savoy, Low-countries, Germany, Bohemia, &c., already spent so many streams of Christian blood.' Pp. 360-2. In answer to such arguments, we are sometimes reminded (perhaps in mockery)