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low; but thefe warnings have been treated as the visions of fpeculative men. England, that great and mighty country, now ftaggers under a load of debt; diftreffed and difmembered, her expences overwhelm her: and where is the man who will fay fhe fhall be redeemed? Where is the man who will fay, I will redeem her!' and will fay how? Though every little minifter, or every little man who imagines he is a minifter, is ready to undertake the management of her affairs, where is the man who will fay that Ireland ought to have a peace-establishment of 15,000 men? When the augmentation took place in Lord Townshend's administration, this country was unable to bear it; and fince that day we have been involving her deeper and deeper, becaufe we at firft engaged her in an undertaking beyond her strength. When all the world united against Britain, and she was surrounded with enemies on every fide, we gave way to the feelings of our hearts, and fpared her 4000 men; and, fome time after, in the moment de flagrante bello, we granted her more than half our remaining troops: if then, in time of war, the country could fubfift without troops, will any man fay that in time of profound peace the ought to fupport 15,000 men? No; now is the time for reducing your military establishment. Let your intention be known this day, that the right honourable fecretary may have time to communicate with England. If you neglect the prefent opportunity, no minifter hereafter will have even a pretence for reftoring the finances of this country. I am no partizan, either here or in England; I can gain nothing by it: I am ready in either place, like a man, to fupport minifters, while they are right, and whenever they are wrong to oppofe them, and refift their meafures. At prefent, I hope my honourable friend will allow me to alter his motion, and state a precife idea-I would have it run thus: Refolved, that the condition of this country requires every practicable retrenchment, &c. and that the military eftablishment, in it's prefent

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ftate, affords room for effectual res trenchment.' I love the army as a body of brave and worthy men, but I would not facrifice the kingdom to their benefit. Now, Sir, if minifters really mean economy, they will agree with this amendment of mine; if not, they will amufe us with words only.

MR. GEORGE PONSONBY-I wish not, Sir, to speak to the question, but to advert to fome expreffions that fell from the Right Honourable Baronet who made the motion, in which hè glances fome reflection on the perfon who filled that chair before you, whofe conduct, I am certain, will ftand the teft of the most minute enquiry; nor can any hints from a man whofe perfon and opinions I hold in like contempt have weight with me. I know every fuggeftion he can make on that head is falfe. [Mr. Ponsonby then, with a warmth that does honour to his filial piety, entered into a short defence of his father's conduct, (the Right Honourable John Ponsonby, who was alluded to) and ended with an eulogium on the adminiftration here, and in England, hinting that Mr. Flood had fupported the administration of Lord Townshend, when the augmentation of the army took place.]

MR. FLOOD-I fupported not Mr. Ponfonby's intereft, but opposed Lord Townshend's adminiftration. This I fay to exculpate Mr. Ponfonby from the charge of ingratitude; for, when I felt the hand of power, Mr. Ponsonby did not fupport me: but I never look at fuch little things as the interests of particular men or their parties; they appear great, indeed, to the men who are engaged in them, but in the eyes of the man who contemplates the public welfare they vanish into nothing. Had I been his father's fupporter, the honourable gentleman but ill requited me, when in his loudeft tone he cried out to have me difmiffed, and feemed to reproach minifters with pufillanimity for delaying the sentence. He declared, indeed, that he had no perfonal diflike to me, but it was only to oblige one or two particular friends; yet the gentleman boafts of whig principles, whig connections: whig friends

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may juftly boaft, but fuch conduct was a manifestation of whig apoftacy. God and nature have established this limit to power-it cannot long fubfift divefted of rectitude. Do we mean to take up the work of retrenchment ourfelves, or fhall we leave it to others to do it for us? Shall we retrench our own expences, or leave it to others to œconomize for us? If we proceed upon this bufinefs, the people will ftand grateful and admiring fpectators of our progrefs; if not, they may perhaps take it up themfelves. Let us, then, act honeftly; let us tell Great Britain what no man can deny, that the military is the place to make retrenchment. I will fuppofe minifters as good as any man can wish; but it is our duty to give them opportunities of exercifing their honeft intentions.

MR. GEORGE PONSONBY.-I did not call upon adminiftration to turn the right honourable gentleman from his employment; he was then in oppofition; and I faid, that I was not, for my part, afraid to lose a profitable employ

ment.

[The Speaker called the gentlemen to order, and faid no mention could be made in that Houfe of any thing which had paffed formerly.]

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MR. BUSHE-The refolution requires time to confider it; it involves much matter. I recollect, indeed, our fending 4000 men to die in the Weft Indies, at a time when we dared not fend a fhroud to bury them in. Why do we appoint a committee of accounts, if we do their business before they meet? MR. PELHAM-I am really an enemy to previous questions, and would rather meet the right honourable baronet's motion itself. The queftion is fuch a one as I would readily accede to, for I am flattered and encouraged by what the right honourable gentleman has faid on the occafion refpecting both kingdoms. But can any harm refult from poffeffing ourselves of every poffible information: you have an advantage in this kingdom we have not in England, of feeing the accounts of the two last years, by which you may with fome degree of certainty be diVOL. III.

rected in your future provifions. Now, Sir, if the right honourable mover will make his motion as an instruction to the committee of accounts, I have no objection to it; and, from the known integrity and experience of the gentlemen who have managed the establish→ ments for the two laft years, I have the moft flattering hope of every requifiteaffiftance in effecting all poffible retrenchments.

THE PRIME SERJEANT declared his difapprobation of the motion, as premature; the committee of accounts not having as yet entered upon bufinefs.

MR. GRATTAN-f fhall not trouble you long, nor take up the time of. the House by apologizing for bodily infirmity, or the affectation of infirmi ty. Ifhall not speak of myself, or enter into a defence of my character, hav ing never apoftatized. I think it not neceffary for the Houfe now to inve ftigate what we know to be a fact. I think it would be better to go into the business, as the House did upon another occafion, without waiting the formality of the committee's report. As to myfelf, the honourable reward that a grateful nation has bestowed upon me, for ever binds me to make every return in my power, and particularly to oppofe every unneceffary expence. I am far from thinking with the honourable gentleman, as to the fpeech; and I believe he will find inftances where œconomy has been recommended from the throne, but prodigality practifed. This was the cafe in Lord Harcourt's administrationan administration which had the fupport of the honourable gentleman; and therefore he, of all men, cannot be at a lofs to reject that illufory œconomy which has fo often appeared in the fpeeches of lord-lieutenants. With refpect to the Genevefe, I never could have thought it poffible to give the fpeech fuch a bias as has been mentioned; and people will be deceived, if they give credit to any declamation that infers from the words of the fpeech any thing but an honeft economy in applying the public money fairly to their ufe. The nation has derived 2. N

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great honour from this tranfaction, and
I should be forry to have it tarnished
by inference and infinuation. In 1771,
when the burdens of the country were
comparatively small, I made a motion
fimilar to this; the honourable gentle-
man then oppofed me. I have his
fanction, now, that I was right, and he
was wrong; and I say this, that though
gentlemen may, for a while, vote
against retrenchments abfolutely ne-
ceffary, I am not very fure that this is
juft the time to make it in the army
now, when England has acted justly,
I will not fay generously-now, when
fhe has lost her empire-when the ftill
feels the wounds of the laft unhappy
war, and comforts herfelf only with
the faithful friendship of Ireland. If,
in 1769, when the liberties of Ireland
were denied, and thofe of America in
danger, it was thought unadvifeable
to retrench our army-there can be no
fuch reafon to reduce it now, when
both are acknowledged and confirm-
ed. When we voted 4000 men to
butcher our own brethren in America,
the honourable gentleman fhould have
oppofed that vote; but perhaps he will
be able to explain the propriety offend
ing 4000 Irishmen thither. But why
not look for retrenchment in the reve-
nue and other departments. In my
mind, the proper mode would be, to
form a fair estimate of what would be
a reasonable peace-establishment, and
reduce our feveral departments to it.

MR. FLOOD-The right honourable member can have no doubt of the propriety of my faying a word in reply to what he has delivered. Every member in the Houfe can bear witnefs of the infirmity I mentioned; and, therefore, it required but little candour to make a nocturnal attack upon that infirmity: but I am not afraid of the right honourable member; I will meet him any where, or upon any ground, by night or by day. I fhould and poorly in my own eftimation, and in my country's opinion, if I did not ftand far above him. I do not come here dreffed in a rich wardrobe of words, to delude the people. I am not one who has promifed repeatedly to bring in a Bill of Rights, yet does

not bring in that bill, or permit any other perfon to do it-I am not one who threatened to impeach the Chief Juftice of the King's Bench for acting under an English law, and afterwards fhrunk from that business-I am not the author of the fimple Repeal-I am not one who, after faying the parlia ment was a parliament of prostitutes, endeavoured to make their voice fubfervient to my intereft-I am not one who would come at midnight, and attempt a vote of this Houfe, to ftifle the voice of the people, which my egregious folly had raised against me

I am not the gentleman who fubfifts upon your accounts-I am not the mendicant patriot, who was bought by my country for a fum of money, and then fold my country for promptpayment-I am not the man who in this Houfe loudly complained of an infringement made in England, in including Ireland in a bill, and then fent a certificate to Dungannon that Ireland was not included-I never was bought by the people, nor ever fold them. The gentleman fays he never apoftatized, but I say I never changed my principles; let every man fay the fame, and let the people believe them if they can. But if it be fo bad a thing to take an office in the ftate, how comes the gentleman connected with perfons in office? They, I hope, are men of virtue; or how came the gentleman fo clofely connected with Colonel Fitzpatrick? I object to no man for being in office; a patriot in office is the more a patriot for being there. There was a time when the glories of the great Duke of Marlborough fhrunk and withered before those of the right honourable gentleman; when palaces fuperior to Blenheim were to be built for his reception; when pyramids and pillars were to be raised, and adorned with emblems and infcriptions facred to his virtue; but the pillars and pyramids are now funk, though then the great Earl of Chatham was held inferior to him: however, he is ftill fo great, that the Queen of France, I dare fay, will have a fong made on the name of Grattan. Lord Harcourt practifed economy; but

what

what was the economy of the Duke
of Portland?-100,000l. was voted to
raise 20,000 feamen, though it was well
known that one-third of that number
could not be raifed-and what the
application of the money? It was ap-
plied to the raising of the execrated
Fencibles. It is faid that I fupported
Lord Harcourt's administration: it is
true; but I never deferted my princi-
ples, for I carried them into the cabi-
net with me. A gentleman, who now
hears me, knows that I propofed to the
Privy Council an Irish Mutiny-bill,
and that not with a view of any par-
liamentary grant. I fupported an ab-
fentee tax; and, while I was in office,
registered my principles in the books
of government; and the moment I
could not influence government to the
advantage of the nation, I ceafed to
act with them.-I acted for myself.-
I was the first who ever told them that
an Irish Mutiny-bill must be granted.
If this country is now fatisfied, is it
owing to tht gentleman? No, the fim-
ple Repeal, difapproved and scouted
by all the lawyers in England and Ire-
land, fhews the contrary; and the only
apology he can make is, that he is no
lawyer at all. A man of warm ima-
gination and brilliant fancy will fome-
times be dazzled with his own ideas,
and may for a moment fall into error;
but a man of found head could not
make fo egregious a mistake, and a
man of an honest heart would not per-
fift in it after it was discovered.
have now done; and give me leave to
fay, if the gentleman enters often into
this kind of colloquy with me, he will
not have much to boaft of at the end
of the feffion.

land by English law; I therefore spoke to that effect in this Houfe; I also fhewed the bill to all the most able and virtuous men in this kingdom, who were of opinion that my fuggeftion was wrong; under this opinion I acquiefced, and the event has juftified it. As to my coming at midnight, to obtain a vote impofing a filence on the people, I deny it; it was miftated in the papers: my refolution was to de clare this country free, and that any perfon who fhould speak or write to the contrary was a public enemy. All the Houfe, all the revered and respectable characters in the kingdom, heard me, and know what I fay is true-but it is not the flander of the bad tongue of a bad character that can defame me. I maintain my reputation in public and in private life; no man who has not a bad character can fay I ever deceived him; no country has called me cheat. I will fuppofe a public character, a man not now in this Houfe, but who formerly might have been here I will fuppofe it was his conftant practice to abufe every man who differed from him, and to betray every man who trufted him. I will fuppofe him active; I will begin from his cradle, and divide his life into three stages: in the firft he was intemperate, in the fecond corrupt, and in the third feditious. Suppofe him a great egotift; his honour equal to his oath; and I will stop him, and fay-Sir, your talents are not fo I great as your life is infamous; you were filent for years, and you were filent for money: when affairs of confequence to the nation were debating, you might be feen paffing by thefe doors, like a guilty fpirit, just waiting for the moment of putting the question, that you might pop in and give your venal vote; or you might be feen hovering over the dome, like an ill-omen'd bird of night, with fepulchral notes, a cadaverous afpect, and broken beak, ready to stoop and pounce upon your prey. You can be trufted by no man the people cannot truft you--the minifters cannot truft you; you deal out the most impartial treachery to 2 N 2 ⚫ both;

MR, GRATTAN-In refpect to the Houfe, I could wish to avoid perfonality, and return to the question; but I must request liberty to explain fome circumstances alluded to by the honourable member. The honourable - member has alluded to the St. Chriftopher's bill; I will declare the factbe may tell a story-when I received a copy of that bill, it gave me much pain, and much offence: I thought I faw the old intention of binding Ire

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both; you tell the nation it is ruined by other men, when it is fold by you -you fled from the Embargo-you fled from the Mutiny-bill-you fled from the Sugar-bill. I therefore tell you, in the face of your country, before all the world, and in your very beard-you are not an honeft man!' MR. FLOOD-I have heard a very extraordinary harangue indeed, and I challenge any man to fay that any thing half fo unwarrantable was ever uttered in the Houfe. The right honourable gentleman fet out with declaring, he did not wish to ufe perfonality, and no fooner has he opened his mouth, than forth iffues all the venom that ingenuity and difappointed vanity, for two years brooding over corruption, has produced-but it cannot taint my public character: four and twenty years employed in your fervice has established that; and, as to my private, let that be learned from my tenants, from my friends, from thofe under my own roof-to thofe I appeal, and this appeal I boldly make, with utter contempt of infinuations, falfe as they are illiberal! The whole force of what has been faid refts upon this, that I once accepted an office, and this is called apoftacy; but is a man the lefs a patriot for being an honeft fervant of the Crown? As to me, I took as great a part with the first office of the ftate at my back, as ever the right honourable gentleman did with mendicancy behind him!

Mr. Flood rofe again, and was proceeding when the Speaker at laft rofe, and called for the support of the Houfe, to keep the gentlemen in order; and, on Mr. John Burke's moving, that the gentlemen might be made to promise that nothing farther fhould pafs between them, the Houfe was cleared; during which, Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan difappeared.

After fome farther debate on the motion then under the confideration of the Houfe, the general fenfe of the members appearing to be against it, it was negatived without a divifion.

At eleven o'clock the queftion of adjournment was agreed to; when Mr. Fofter called the attention of the

Houfe, by informing the Speaker, that he thought it would be proper for the prefervation of the peace, and to prevent any mifchief that might enfue from the unhappy difference that arofe between two members of that House, as alfo for the dignity of the House, that a mode fhould be ftruck out for taking them into cuftody, either by the Serjeant at Arms, the sheriffs of the city, or fome other perfons appointed for that purpofe; which being fettled, (after the Provost, Mr. Bennet, Mr. Gardiner, the Recorder, and fome other members had fpoke to the bufinefs) the Speaker, attended by se. veral members, moft patiently waited a full hour, when General Luttrell in formed the Speaker, that a magiftrate (Alderman Exfhaw) who had taken one of the members (Mr. Flood) into cuf, tody, was then at the bar, and requested he would lay his commands on him, to have the faid member forth-coming in the morning, and to use his belt endeavours for taking the other into cuftody. The Recorder, likewise, by confent of the Houfe, iffued a warrant for that purpose; after which the House adjourned.

This morning Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan were brought before Lord Chief Juftice Annaly; the former by Alderman Exfhaw, and the latter by Sheriff Kirkpatrick. His lordship, after fevere, but friendly reprimands, and official admonitions, bound them both over to the peace, in recognizances of 20,000l. each.

It appears that Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan, attended by their refpective friends, had almoft reached the ground appointed for a ferious interview, when they were taken into fafe cuftody, through the vigilance of the magiftrates, before they arrived at Ballybough Bridge.

Mr. Flood has afferted that, previous to the commencement of this feffion, he fent a friend to Mr. Grattan, defiring that all perfonal animofity might ceafe, and that their former differences of opinion might not be brought in any manner before the

Houfe;

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