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members returned at prefent by boroughs might be the brightest patterns of patriotism and of liberty, there was no doubt but borough members, confidered in the abstract, were more liable to be influenced than those returned by the counties. His third expedient was, to add a certain number of members to be returned by the counties and the metropolis. It was unneceffary for him to fay, that the county members in general were selected from that clafs of gentlemen the leaft liable to influence, and the most deeply interested in the liberty and profperity of their country, and of course the most likely to purfue fuch measures as would prove falutary: in fuch hands their conftituents must be safe, the interefts of the representatives and reprefented being the fame. This expedient appeared to him the most proper to be adopted, as being the leaft exceptionable, and feeming to be an effectual counterbalance to the boroughs, without introducing any innovation into the conftitution. He would not take upon him to fay what number of members fhould be added to the counties; he would leave that to be inserted in a bill, which, if the refolutions he had to propofe fhould pafs, he intended to move for leave to bring in. But he would add that, in his opinion, the number ought not to be less than one hundred. The House, indeed, would then be more numerous than he could wifh; but it were better it should be fo, than that the liberties of the country should be expofed to deftruction. He was not, however, without an expedient for reducing, by degrees, the number of members, after the addition, down nearly to the prefent number; which was, that whenever it fhould be proved before the tribunal now eftablished by law for trying the merits of contested elections, that the majority of any borough had been bribed, that borough should lofe the privilege of fending members to parliament, the corrupt majority should be disfranchised, and the honeft minority be permitted to vote for knights of the fhire. By this expedient he was fure the boroughs would be preferved from corruption, or abolished gradually, and the number of members in that Houfe reduced to it's prefent ftandard. This disfranchifing of boroughs, however, must be the work of time. But the neceffity of disfranchifing any one, when that neceffity appeared, would fanctify the measure; it would then alfo appear to be an act of juftice, not of party, or caprice, as it would be founded on proof of guilt.

Mr. Pitt then read to the House three refolutions; one of which was, That measures ought to be adopted for preventing bribery and expences at elections; another refpected the influence of borough members; and the third was for the addition of a certain number of members to the counties, the proportioning or apportioning of which to each he would leave to be fettled in the bill. To the two firft of these refolutions he did not think there would be the least objection ; and the third, he hoped, was fo worded as to meet the approbation of the House. He then moved the frft.

Mr. Duncombe feconded the motion; and said

that the right honourable gentleman's propofitions fhould meet with his fupport, as they coincided with the wishes of the county (Yorkfhire) he had the honour to reprefent.

Mr. Powys oppofed the motion, and entered into a long detail of the motives by which he had been influenced in the vote he gave on the fubject last year; stated his objections to the measure proposed this year; and, to strengthen them, adduced the authorities of the Quintuple Alliance and Conftitutional Society. He declared that he would ftoop as much as any man to the opinion of the people, whenever he could difcover it without facrificing his own; spoke ironically of the motion, defiring the petitions of fome capital towns in favour of it might be read, from which none had in reality been fent up; and expreffed his furprize that Westminster had not remained fatisfied with the force of eloquence that reprefented it. He would not, however, fhew a want of refpect towards the right honourable member, in attempting to negative his motion; but, in order to difpofe of it handfomely, would move the order of the day.

Mr. T. Pitt, Sir George Saville, Mr. Byng, Lord Mulgrave, Lord North, Mr. Fox, and feveral other members, fpoke on the motion, and were replied to by Mr. W. Pitt; and about half past two the Houfe divided on the question for the order of the day, when there appeared

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And upwards of fifty paired off; therefore it was the fulleft Houfe known for many years. MAY 8.

Read a fecond time the bill for regulating the courts of juftice in Scotland.

Received the amendment made by the Lords in the bill fent up to them by the Commons for opening the trade with America, by repealing fuch laws as impofed a neceffity for ships coming from thence to this country to be furnished with certificates and other documents. There being in this bill a claufe which gave the king and council a power of making whatever regulations they should deem neceffary, but limiting the duration of this power to fix weeks; their lordships extended this power to the 27th of December, from the day the bill fhould pafs into a law.

The Speaker obferved to the House, that as the bill impowered the crown to impofe duties, it was, ftrictly speaking, a money-bill; therefore the Houfe, confiftently with it's own orders, could not fuffer the amendment.

Mr. W. Pitt agreed that it was a money-bill; which, having been amended by the Lords, ought to be rejected.

Mr. Fox alfo was willing that it should be re jected, and it was poftponed for three months. He then moved for bringing in a new one to the fame effect, which was verbatim the fame with that fent down by the Lords. The motion hav

Ing paffed, the bill was brought in and read twice without oppofition; and there being no blanks in it to be filled up, it was ordered to be engroffed. The House then adjourned.

MAY 9.

In a committee of fupply, came to the following refolutions. That 10,000l. be granted for repairing Newgate; and, That 5000l. be granted to the Turky Company.

Ballotted for a committee to try the merits of the return for Saltafh, Mr. Buller against Sir Grey Cooper. After which the Houfe adjourned.

MAY 12.

Paffed the Gainsborough Navigation bill. Lord John Cavendish ftated the deficienc's on the feveral taxes which had been impofed during the late war, and the deficiences in feveral parHamentary grants, amounting in the whole to 560,2141. His lordship concluded, That a like fum be granted to his Majefty, to make good thefe deficiences, which paffed without oppofition. The House proceeded next to take into confideration the estimates for the extraordinaries of the navy.

Mr. T. Townshend moved, that a fum not exceeding 311,8431. Is. 4d. be granted to his Majefty to defray the expences of repairing veffels. This fum, he said, was demanded on a wareftimate, which being now at an end, it was probable the whole would not be expended: in fuch cafe the favings fhould be brought to account, and laid before parliament. He added, that though the estimates for the prefent year were great, they were not fo great as those of last year. Mr. Buller faid he did not think the eftimates reasonable; and he had the fatisfaction to find,

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that thofe who thought the estimates of a former board of admiralty immoderate, were now convinced the objections then made were groundless.

Lord Mulgrave wished that fome provifion might be made for the widows of naval officers, whofe fituation in time of peace was really dif treffing. In time of war the pay of one man in every hundred was laid by for the use of these widows; and their income, by these means, was from 30l. to 451. a year each: but in time of peace, the number of feamen being greatly reduced, this annuity was of course alfo reduced; and the widows of fome of our moft gallant offi cers were left with a provision of no more than from 121. to 181. a year.

Capt. James Luttrell wifhed, that such ships as were to be kept in commiffion, and employed abroad, might have their full complement of men. The Ruffians, he observed, in this refpect, held out an example very worthy of imitation; for though they were now in profound peace, yet fuch of their fhips as he had feen were well manned, and as well appointed as if they were actually engaged in war; while many of ours had little more than the exteriors of veffels of force, their men being so reduced,that if an action should become neceffary they would be found very ill prepared for one. Reductions in the navy were, of all other departments, the least confiftent with found policy, as it was only by having a large body of feamen always in readiness, that we could expect to recover the dominion of the fea, which had been wrefted from us.

Some other converfation, relative to India and other affairs, then took place; after which the Houfe adjourned.

POLITICAL RETROSPECT.

AUGUST 1783.

T length we are enabled to give our readers fome little fatisfaction refpecting the tedious negociation of peace; the following letter having been fent by Mr. Secretary Fox to the Lord Mayor, on the 29th inftant.

(COPY.)

MY LORD, St. James's, Aug. 29, 1783. I HAVE the honour to acquaint your lordfhip, that difpatches were this morning received from the Duke of Manchester, dated the 26th inft. in which his Grace informs me, that the 3d of next month is the day agreed upon for

figning the Definitive Treaties with the Plenipo

tentiaries of the moft Chriftian and Catholic kings, and those of the United States of America.

I lofe no time in fending your lordship this information, that you may give fuch public notice of it as you fhall judge proper.

I am, with great refpect, my lord, your Lordship's moft obedient, humble fervant, 'C. J. Fox.' The particulars of fuch deviations as it may have been found peceffary to make from the Pro

vifional Articles with the refpective powers, have not yet tranfpired; nor, indeed, would it be reafonable to expect that they thould be made public till after the final ratification.

The chief domeftic events of the present month are, the Queen's safe delivery of a Princess; and the Prince of Wales's attainment of his twentyfew hours, on the former of thefe occafions, that firft year. A melancholy report prevailed for a our amiable Queen was no more! Whether this arofe from her Majesty's experiencing a more violent indifpofition than ufual, which appears bolical principle which too often prompts thoughtto have been really the cafe, or from that dialefs wretches to fport with the feelings of mankind by the fabrication of falfhood, we are at a lofs to determine; certain it is, however, that though the report gained but little credit, the confideration that it might be true, fpread fo univerfal a gloom wherever it reached, that if the fun of Truth had not inftantly appeared, and the welcome breath of her att.ndant Joy hastily, difperfed the thick-gathering clouds, they must shortly have defcended in fuch streams as would W 2

have

have deluged the nation. May Heaven long, very long, preferve our country from a calamity, which we blush not to lament, with an antici pating tear, it must one day experience!

The political intelligence this month received from America, has been both copious and remarkable. The circular letter of General Washington, which has occafioned much speculation, as well in Europe as in the Western world, may be feen at large in our Foreign Intelligence; and though every intelligent reader will very properly think for himself, as our friends are entitled to whatever opinion we may have formed on a fubject of fo general a nature, we fhall freely fubmit our ideas to their infpection.

As a literary compofition, it certainly poffeffes great merit; as a political one, ftill greater. Indeed, in it's general conftruction, as well as in it's to us apparent defign, it fo much resembles the ftile and manner of the American state-papers, that it seems not to be the result of an individual, but a deliberate plan of Congress to procure that fanction for their measures which it was thought neceflary to fecure: and in this they have only acted conformably to that deep knowledge of politics, which has commonly marked their proceedings, and in which they have fo fa tally over-matched us, and fo fecurely lulled their own countrymen. What is it, in fact, but an echo of the Addrefs and Recommendations to the States, by the United States in Congrefs affembled,' dated four days preceding? From this Addrefs, (which is much too copious for infertion, being fufficient, with the schedules annexed, to compofe a tolerable pamphlet) it appears that the debts of the United States, as as far as they now can be afcertained,' amount to 42,000,375 dollars; and the purport of the whole is to obtain fufficient power from the feveral refpective States, to enable Congrefs to quiet thofe whofe claims comprehend this enormous fum. The refpective States, however, do

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from what we can at prefent learn, feem in general greatly difpofed to augment the power of Congrefs. What effect the letter in question may produce on the minds of the people, there has not yet been fufficient time to difcover. But if no new Generaliffimo thould be appointed, will not the more difcerning confider this refignation as a polite diffolution of an office which may be thought dangerous to the views of Congrefs, from it's too near refemblance of the Stadtholder in another republic?

But enough, for the prefent, of that part of

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America, which is called independent; time will produce a fufficient conviction, whether a republic, or a limited monarchy, is the government best adapted to fecure the natural rights and liberties of mankind.

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We hear with pleasure of the establishment of a new settlement of Loyalifts, called SHELBURNE ! at Port Rofeway, in Nova Scotia, on Tuesday, the 22d of July, by his Excellency Governor, Parr, who arrived there on the 20th, in his Majesty's ship La Sophée.

From the fudden diffolution of the Irish parliament, and the early convention of a new one, fome affairs of importance feem likely to be brought on the tapis in that kingdom.

The fafe arrival of the Spanish flota, at Cadiz, with eight millions fteling on board, is perhaps to be confidered as an event of fome confequence to the manufacturing countries of Europe, (and to America too) where it will probably occafion a confiderable circulation of hard cash.

The Manifefto of the Emprefs of Ruffia, in our Gazette intelligence, feems to be the har binger of a certain rupture with the Turks; but, as we have repeatedly faid, we are weary of mentioning a matter which is enveloped in fuch doubt and obfcurity. Preparations continue to be made, on both fides, though commercial treaties are at the fame inftant faid to, be concluded on by the apparently hoftile parties; and, as a fhynefs feems to prevail between the French and Ruffians, with fome high language. on the part of the former, refpecting the navigation of the Mediterranean, we may expect that fomething decifive will foon tranfpire.

The Dutch are faid to have been gently re minded of the expences which their new allies have been put to, in retaking St. Euftatius, faving the Cape of Good Hope, &c. These friendly fervices, it is reported, are valued at three millions fterling.

We had almost forgot to mention a very remarkable phænomenon-fmile not, Philofophy! we do not mean the tremendous fiery meteor that puzzled you on the 18th inft.-but a phænomenon in the political hemifphere: and this is nothing. less than a witty letter from the renowned here of the fummer campaign in the year 1780, to the Portuguese and German Jews, who probably will not think themselves greatly honoured by the correfpondence. This prodigious curiofity we have thought worthy of preferving in, our mifcellaneous department, where it may be feen at large.

INTELLIGENCE.

HE court has published a narrative of her Imperial Majesty's journey to Finland, and of her interview with the King of Sweden, at Frederickham. Her Majefty paffed the first night. (June 6) in the Imperial palace Opinowafa Roftchar: the fecond at Wibourg, and on the 28th, at nine in the evening, the arrived at Frederick ram: he was received at the two laft places

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the Swedish clergy and nobility, who had paffed the frontiers to pay their refpects to her Majefty, had admittance, and the honour of, kiffing her hand; towards noon, the Comte de Gothia came to court, dined with her Majefty, and then withdrew to his apartments. At five in the evening this prince returned, and was admitted to the interior apartments, where he converfed with her Majefty till half after fix; when the two fovereigns made their appearance in the audience-chamber, and affifted at the play, &c.

New York, July 12, 1783. The following is the copy of a circular letter from his Excellency George Washington, commander in chief of the armies of the United States of America.

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SIR, THE great object for which I had the honour to hold an appointment in the fervice of my country, being accomplished, I am now preparing to refign it into the hands of Congrefs, and return to that domestic retirement which, it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to figh through a long and painful abfence, in which (remote from the noife and trouble of the world) I meditate to pafs the remainder of life, in a state of undifturbed repofe: but, before I carry this refolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my laft official communication, to Congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has been pleafed to produce in our favour, to offer my fentiments refpecting fome important fubjects, which appear to me to be intimately Connected with the tranquillity of the United States, to take my leave of your excellency as a public character, and to give my final bleffing to that country, in whofe fervice I have spent the prime of my life; for whofe fake I have confumed To many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always conftitute no inconfiderable part of my

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Impressed with the livelieft fenfibility on this pleafing occafion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copioufly on the fubject of our mutual felicitation. When we confider the mag-, nitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the conteft, and the favourable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest poffible reafon for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be confidered as the fource of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occafion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has affigned us, whether we view it in a natural, political, or moral, point of light.

The citizens of America, placed in the moft, enviable condition, as the fole lords and proprie tos of a vast tract of continent, comprehending, all the various foils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the neceffaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late fatisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be poffeffed of abfolute' freedom and independency; they are from this

period to be confidered as the actors on a moft confpicuous theatre, which feems to be peculiarly defigned by Providence for the difplay of human greatnefs and felicity: here they are not only furrounded with every thing that can contribute to the completion of private and domeftic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned all it's other bleffings, by giving a furer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favoured with. Nothing can illuftrate these.obfervations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under which our republic affumed it's rank among the nations. The foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and fu perftition, but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood, and more clearly defined, than at any former period. Researches of the human mind after focial happiness, have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labours of philofophers, fages, and legiflators, through a long fuc ceffion of years, are laid open for ufe; and their collected wifdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extenfion of commerce, the progreffive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of fentiment and, above all, the pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increafed the bleffings of fociety. At this aufpicious period the United States came into existence as a nation; and 'if their citizens fhould not be compleatly free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own..

Such is our fituation, and fuch are our profpects; but notwithstanding the cup of bleffing is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happinefs is ours, if we have a difpofition to seize the occation, and make it our own, yet it appears to me, there is an option ftill left to the United States of America, whether they will be refpectable and profperous, or contemptible and miferable as a nation: this is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment to establish or ruin their national cha racter for ever; this is the favourable moment to give fuch a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of it's inftitution; or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and expofing us to become the fport of European politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to ferve their own interested purpofes. For, according to the system of policy the States fhall adopt at this moment, they will ftand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapfe, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be confidered as a bles fing or a curfe—a blefling or a curfe, not to the prefent age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

With this conviction of the importance of the prefent crifis, filence in me would be a crime; I will therefore fpeak to your excellency the lan guage of freedom and of fincerity, without dif guife. I am aware, however, those who differ from

me in political fentinients, may, perhaps, remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may poffibly afcribe to arrogance or oftentation, what I know is alone the refult of the purest intention: but the rectitude of my own heart, which difdains fuch unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life; the deter mination I have formed of not taking any share in public bufinefs hereafter; the ardent defire I feel, and fall continue to manifeft, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wife and liberal government; will, I flatter myself, fooner or later, convince my countrymen, that I could have no finifter views in delivering, with fo little referve, the Opinions contained in this addrefs.

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4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly difpofition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those musual conceffions which are requifite to the genetal prosperity, and in fome instances to facrifice their individual advantages to the intereft of the community.

Thefe are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be fupported.Liberty is the bafis and whoever would dare to fap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever fpecious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bittereit execration, and the fevereft punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country.

On the three first articles I will make a few obfervations; leaving the laft to the good-fenfe, and serious confideration, of those immediately concerned.

Under the first head, although it may not be neceffary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular difquifition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requifite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of power to Congrefs, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to affert, without reserve, and to infift upon the following pofitions. That, unless the States will fuffer Congrefs to exercise thofe prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the conflitution, every thing muft very rapidly tend to anarchy and confufion. That it is in difpenfable to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged, somewhere, afupreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, with out which the union cannot be of long duration. That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every State with the late propofats and demands of Congrefs, or the most

fatal confequences will enfue. That whatever measures have a tendency to diffolve the union, or contribute to violate or leffen the fovereign authority, ought to be confidered as hoftile to the liberty and independency of America, and the au thors of them treated accordingly. And, lastly, that uniefs we can be enabled by the concurrence of the States to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the effential benefits of civil fociety, under a form of government so free, and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppreffion, as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a fubject of regret, that fo much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that fo many fufferings have been encountered without a compenfation, and that so many facrifices have been made in vain. Many other confiderations might here be adduced, to prove, that without an entire conformity to the fpirit of the union, we cannot exift as an independent power. It will be fufficient for my purpofe to mention but one or two, which feem to me of the greateft importance. It is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit fupported, among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers with the United States of America, will have no validity on a diffolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature, or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and neceffary progreffion from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

As to the fecond article, which refpects the performance of public juftice, Congress have, in their late addrefs to the United States, almoft exhaufted the fubject; they have explained their ideas fo fully, and have enforced the obligations the States are under to render compleat justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honour and independency of America, can hesitate a fingle moment refpecting the propriety of complying with the juft and honourable mea fures propofed: if their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence; efpecially when we recollect that the fyftem referred to, being the refult of the collected wifdom of the Continent, muft be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the leaft objectionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it fhall not be carried into immediate exécution, a national bankruptcy, with all it's deplorable confequences, will take place, before any different plan can poffibly be propofed or adopted; fo preffing are the prefent circumstances, and fuch is the alternative now offered to the States.

The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in it's defence is not to be doubted. An inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting; the path of our duty is plain before us; honefty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true' policy. Let us, then, as a nation, be just; let us

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