THURSDAY, MAY 11, 1837.

The question recurring on the motion of Mr. DUNLOP, made yesterday, to postpone the further consideration, for the present, of the motion made by Mr. PORTER, of Northampton, that the resolution offered by Mr. PURVIANCE, relative to instructing the standing committees on the several articles of the Constitution, be referred to a committee of the whole:

Mr. DUNLOP said that the more he reflected on the subject, the more he was satisfied that his motion, yesterday, to postpone the question was right. When the gentleman from Butler first offered his propositions, he thought they contemplated some definite action by the Convention, but it was only necessary to examine them, to be satisfied that they did not. The instructions which they would give the committees, if we passed them, were vague and indefinite. Take, for instance, the first proposition on the subject of executive patronage, and it would be seen that it only affirmed, what almost every delegate admitted, that the patronage of the executive ought to be reduced, but it did not declare in what way, how much, or in what particulars. Supposing, that we go into committee of the whole, and pass it, what will it avail? What gentleman of the committee will consider it any instruction to him in relation to any particular mode, or manner, in which it shall be reduced? Some gentlemen are of opinion that the executive patronage should be reduced by taking from the Governor the power of appointment: others by taking away, or abridging the veto power.— Some were for curtailing it, by requiring the action of the Senate upon all the appointments, and others were only for shortening the term of his office, rendering him ineligible the second term. To a committee containing these conflicting views, what instruction would the passage of this resolution give it? The passage of the resolution would amount to nothing, and the Convention would only be engaged in the discussion of vague and useless propositions. We have passed a resolution instructing the committees to make no reports, and they can only report the articles with or without amendments. It is therefore useless to discuss these propositions, as every plan of amendment will be discussed when the several articles are reported to the Convention. It will be a waste of time. The resolutions, if passed, will pledge no one. If we now go into the committee of the whole on the naked proposition to reduce the executive pat ronage, we shall have endless propositions, without system or order, submitted; useless discussion on impracticable projects,

66

Nonsense precipitate, like running lead,

"That slips thro' cracks and zigzags o the head.”

Some gentleman had talked about the inconsistency of a delegate chang ing his mind. For his part, he hoped he should always change his mind when he was convinced that he was in error, and he could not have a very high estimate of any man who was not open to reason and reflection.

Mr. M'DOWELL, of Bucks, said: Mr. President, I have listened for three or four days, as attentively as a great degree of impatience would admit, to the arguments of the gentlemen for and against the proposition now before the House, and I have come to the conclusion to vote in favor of going into committee of the whole. I shall do so, sir, for various reasons,

some of which I am free to confess are purely selfish. I believe it is better to do so, whether it is right or wrong in the end. If we had gone, at once, into this committee of the whole, three or four days ago, when the discussion about it first arose, we should, in all reasonable probability, have been out of it by this time. Sir, I have taken the pains to make arithmetical calculations, and I have come by the force of figures, to the geometrical conclusion, that there is to be, and will be, delivered, in and upon this Convention, four thousand seven hundred and eleven speeches. Now, sir, here is a most appalling prospect ahead! If any gentleman of this Convention wishes to know the data upon which this calculation is made, let him only revert to the past; to the time already spent here; add up the number of speeches that have been delivered, make the same liberal allowance for the future, and he will find my calculation correct. Sir, I think it is entirely immaterial as to what time, and under what circumstances, the great number of those speeches are delivered, and it is useless to waste time in this Convention, in debating the propriety of either.— Why, sir, we have been in Convention here for nearly two weeks, and what have we done? We are not yet organized for business. Sir, the proposition now before the House, is an important one; it is a question of economy-the economy of time; a question, which, I think, is likely to be of paramount interest here, if we are to judge of the future by the past. If I had not learned before I left home what I was sent here for, most certainly I should have gained no information upon the subject, from any thing that has transpired in this body. Until yesterday, sir, when a few threats were made in the shape of resolutions, I have scarcely seen or heard tell of the Constitution in this Convention. With great deference to the talent and taste which has been displayed upon this subject, I must say I am tired of it. Let us go to work; it is little difference how, turn us loose into committee of the whole-let those who have come to devour the Constitution, have their prey; let the speeches be inflicted upon us; let all the vials of wrath be poured out: we must meet it, and the sooner the better for the business of the Convention. There is a large amount of talent here that must be exhausted upon wild notions of reform. It is in vain to attempt to suppress or control it. Sir, these things must be. After the thundering and lightning is past, after the storm has spent its fury, a calm will ensue the tempest will have purified the atmosphere, and the sober minded, the wise and thinking portion of the Convention, can commence their work. They can restore the injured Constitution-give to it new life, new features, and, in a few days, the great work of reform will be accomplished.

Mr. DORAN, of Philadelphia, rose and said, that he was disposed to add one to the 4711 speeches, which the gentleman from Bucks had just stated would be delivered by gentlemen here in the discharge of their duties. He was willing to take the risk of whatever blame might attach to him on that account. But, while he did so, he was not to be deterred by any threats on that floor as to its being an unnecessary consumption of time.— He came from the large, respectable and populous county of Philadelphia-a county containing one hundred and forty thousand inhabitants, and in which there was a very large majority in favor of reform. He came here to deliver their sentiments on the important matters which the Con

had he heard asserted yesterday? Why, that the Constitution was a "matchless" instrument!

Mr. BIDDLE, of Philadelphia, explained, that the assertion was not made by him. The Constitution was not a matchless work. No human work was matchless. Every human work was imperfect. He had merely said that every member of the Convention should approach the work of amendment to the Constitution with the greatest caution, and ought to make no alteration in it, unless the reasons for so doing were very convincing indeed.

Mr. DORAN resumed. The remarks which he had made had no reference to the gentleman from the city, but to another gentleman, who said that he, and his constituents, thought the Constitution a matchless instrument, requiring no reform, and that the Convention ought not to recommend any. He said, also, that he should vote for continuing the Constitution as it now was. Nay, so far had some gentlemen been carried away by their reverence for that instrument, that they attribute all the present distress in the world to the attempt that was now to be made to reform the Constitution of Pennsylvania. One gentleman had said, look at the sad condition of France, of England, of South America, &c., when contrasted with that of the State of Pennsylvania, which was happy and prosperous under her admirable Constitution: and we were warned against indulging in this spirit of reform, which had produced so much trouble elsewhere. He (Mr. D.) was surprised to learn that the Constitution of Pennsylvania was regarded as of so much importance that the liberties of the people of the whole world depend upon the preservation of it in its present shape that we were now about to settle the destinies of nations. Such was the exaggerated language of those who opposed reform. He was a reformer, and was in favor of modifying that instrument. Although he was but an humble citizen, he was for keeping pace with the intelligence of the age, and not at all disposed to cling to that which was defective, merely because it was ancient. He had heard it said, yesterday, that the Constitution was made by the most enlightened men of any age-that, inasmuch as it was a Constitution under which we had lived prosperously and happily, that, therefore, we ought not to alter it. Was that the object of this Convention being called? Were gentlemen to decide the question whether the Constitution shall be remodelled, or not? No; the people have, already, firmly decided that that shall be done, and they had, in consequence, sent their delegates here. Forty years ago the cry of reform was raised; it was echoed by SIMON SNYDER, and by every true friend of the people, and, after years of difficulty, it at length triumphed. No less than 80,000 voices had recently been raised in favor of making some amendments to the Constitution.

He would refer to the act of Assembly, which was passed, requiring that a Convention be called for the purpose of submitting amendments to the Constitution: 66 Whereas, in pursuance of an act passed the 14th day of April, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-five, the freemen of this Commonwealth have, by a decided majority, determined that a Convention shall be holden to propose and submit for their ratification or rejection a new Constitution", &c. Now, it would be seen, that the people have decided, by an immense majority, that a Convention should be held to form a new Constitution, to revise the Constitution, And yet, gentle

men got up here, and without fear of contradiction, asserted that it was a "matchless" instrument! Well, then, all that they had to do was, to put into their pockets the three dollars a day allowed them, and after all the discussions were over, go home and present to the people the old Constitution in its present shape! He begged to differ from gentlemen in regard to what he conceived to be their duty. He believed, even if there were a majority of the Convention disposed to adjourn now, it would be the duty of the minority to remain behind, and revise the Constitution, and send it out to the people, who, he doubted not, would sustain them.

What had the gentleman from Adams (Mr. STEVENS) said, when speaking on the subject of the judiciary? Why, he was delighted at the idea that nearly all the members of the judiciary committee were lawyers.— Nay, he went so far as to say that no men could discharge the duties appertaining to that committee, but lawyers, as they had more experience in such matters than men of other pursuits! Ah! had it come to that, that they were the only men? He (Mr. D.) belonged to the legal profession, as well as the gentleman from Adams, but he, nevertheless, entertained the opinion that there was as much experience, judgment and knowledge in other professions as in that. It were to be wished, there were more farmers, and fewer lawyers, on the judiciary committee, and, perhaps then, we might have a report that would satify the sterling yeomanry of Pennsylvania, the bulk of whom are industriously engaged in the honorable occupation of tilling the earth. He would ask whether GEORGE WASHINGTON, he who was emphatically said to be the father of his country, was a lawyer? No, he was not. He was a plain and honest farmer, like many he (Mr. D.) now saw before him-distinguished for his integrity and sound patriotism, and, if he had been appointed on a judiciary committee, would have displayed as much knowledge as most of the gifted men of Philadelphia. Who, too, was BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, he who drafted the first Constitution for free Pennsylvania, (and an admirable one it was for that day,) as good a one as could have been drawn by the most gifted man at the bar? Why, he was not a lawyer by profession, but a printer.

With regard to the appointment of the committees, he confessed that he had voted in favor of the adoption of that course, because he then thought it better than taking up the Constitution and acting upon it. His opinion, however, had now become changed, and he had no hesitation in declaring the fact, on account of the complexion of the committees. He did not mean to say that the President had acted unfairly, or improperly, in selecting the members composing them. He found, on looking over the committees, that seven counties had been entirely passed over; not a single member from them had been chosen as though they were not thought worthy or capable of assisting in revising the Constitution. The complexion of the committees could not but be dissatisfactory to the party to which he (Mr. D.) belonged. The county of Philadelphia, (in favor of reform) with one hundred and forty thousand individuals, had only five delegates on the committees, whilst the city of Philadelphia, (opposed to reform) with but eight thousand voters, had six!

Under the existing state of things, he felt disposed to vote for going into a committee of the whole, for he wished to hear the opinions of gentlemen fully expressed in regard to the amendments proposed to be made to the Constitution. One gentleman had asked, what good would result from

going into committee of the whole, when the standing committees were to report afterwards? He (Mr. D.) thought much benefit might be derived from it, inasmuch as the committees would be enabled to report in accordance with the sentiments of the committee of the whole, instead of giving their own particular views. He wished the work of reform speedily done without burdening the people with much expense-the Convention should not procrastinate, but hasten their labors-and such being his wishes, he would vote in the affirmative on the question for going into a committee of the whole.

Mr. Cox, of Somerset, said that he should not have troubled the Convention with any remarks on this question, were it not that he had heard opinions advanced by some of the delegates from Philadelphia, and especially the gentleman who had just taken his seat, which rendered it necessary that he should take some notice of them. He had understood that that gentleman (Mr. DORAN) had spent some hours in calculating the number of delegates, of the different counties, which composed the committees. He was not astonished at the information which had been communicated, nor at the course of the gentleman, because there were some gentlemen who were always finding fault-who were never satisfied with what was done. He (Mr. C.) had not looked at the list of committees, and was, therefore, unable to say whether or not the gentleman was on any committee. If he was not, perhaps that was the cause of his dissatisfaction. But if he was, probably the gentleman was dissatisfied with his place that he was not in a situation to display his learning and talents, which certainly did entitle him to occupy the first place on a committee ! He might be dissatisfied, too, for another reason. It was well known here that he was a radical, in the most extensive sense of that term; not what was called a wholesome reformer, and of that class, there were many in that Convention. There were some who represented the yeomanry-the "bone and sinew of the country"-whilst there were others, who represented a number of English radicals, who lived about the suburbs of Philadelphia; and, perhaps, the gentleman might be one of that party. But, be that as it might, the gentleman would, he trusted, have an opportunity of expressing his opinions, and views, and feelings, and desires, at length, before the body. If the gentleman' was not on one of the standing committees, he should move for the appointment of a select committee, and he (Mr C.) had no doubt that the gentleman would be appointed the chairman. He hoped, that, in that event, the gentleman, when he should report, would lay his opinions and views, in extenso, before the Convention. Should they, however, turn out to be of the character which he presumed they were, he hesitated not to declare now, there was not a majority here who would sanction them in any shape or form. Why had the gentleman been so impatient, and manifested such great anxiety, to lay violent hands upon the Constitution? Was it, because he feared he might be convinced by argument to forego his purpose? Or, was it, because he had determined upon certain amendments, and was resolved to adhere to them right or wrong? He had always thought it right and prudent, that, when any thing important was to be under consideration, reflection and consideration were necessary; that it was not best to rush upon it without listening to reason. Perhaps, the gentleman's opinions could not be changed. But, all wise men were prudent, and changed their opinions when