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He

a native of Philadelphia, born about 1788.
took orders in England, and became a rector of
the Episcopal church in his native city. In 1771
appeared from his pen the Letters of Tamoc Cas-
pipina, an acrostic on his designation as Assistant
Minister of Christ's Church, and St. Peters, in
Philadelphia, in North America.* They have
reference to the English politics of the times.
One of them has an allusion to Sir William Dra-
per, who was about that time in America, urging
him to a fresh encounter with his antagonist Ju-
nius, "the knight of the polished armour." The
letters are addressed by Tamoc Caspipina to Right
Hon. Viscounts, Lady Carolines, Lord Bishops,
&c.; and give an easy account, with not too much
matter, of some of the institutions of Philadel-
phia, a few trite moralities of religion, two or
three feeble poems,

Soon, Myrtilla, must thy friend
Hasten to a distant shore, &c.,

and a passing mention of the volumes of Godfrey and Evans. In one of the letters there is a contemplation of the rising greatness of America, which is expressed in a flowing style-probably a very good specimen of the author's rhetorical manner in his sermons, which, joined to a good delivery, might readily produce the effect assigned to Duche's pulpit eloquence. This collection was several times reprinted. In an elegant edition, in two small volumes, published at Bath in England in 1777, there is an allusion to two prior ones; and there is one still later, published at London in 1791. To the Bath edition is appended, A Brief Account of the Life of William Penn, Esq., Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania; in which his settlement of that Province is included, and to which is added his Character.

The incidents of Duché's first services in the Continental Congress were striking. John Adams has given an account of the scene in a letter to his wife dated September 16, 1774. Duché appeared "with his clerk and his pontificals, and read several prayers in the established form, and then read the collect (psalter) for the seventh day of September, which was the thirty-fifth psalm. You must remember this was the next morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade of Boston. I never saw a greater effect upon an audience. It seems as if Heaven had ordained that psalm to be read on that morning. After this Mr. Duché, unexpectedly to everybody, struck out into an extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. I must confess I never heard a better prayer, or one so well pronounced. Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper himself never prayed with such fervor, such ardor, such earnestness and pathos, and in language so elegant and sublime for America, for the Congress, for the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and especially the town of Boston. It has had an excellent effect upon everybody here. I must beg you to read that psalm. If there was any faith in the Sortes Virgiliana or Sortes IIo

• Caspipina's Letters. Observations on a variety of subjects, literary, moral, and religious; in a series of original letters, written by a gentleman of foreign extraction who resided some time in Philadelphia Philadelphia. 1774

+ Graydon's Memoirs. Littell's Ed., p. 98..

|

merica, or especially in the Sortes Biblica, it would be thought providential. Mr. Duché is one of the most ingenious men, and best characters, and greatest orators in the Episcopal order upon this continent-yet a zealous friend of liberty and his country."

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He published two revolutionary sermons, a fast sermon before Congress, and another address to the militia. The Duty of Standing Fast in our Spiritual and Temporal Liberties, was the title of his discourse preached in Christ church, July 7, 1775, before the First Battalion of the city. He addressed his audience from the text, Stand fust, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, as freemen both in the spiritual and temporal sense. It is temperate to England, but animated for independence. In one sentence he indulges in a bit of sarcasın. "We wish not to possess the golden groves of Asia, to sparkle in the public eye with jewels torn from the brows of weeping nabobs, or to riot on the spoil of plundered provinces."

The American Line, was his fast-day sermon, delivered before the honorable Continental Congress the same month, in which he looks to the past prosperity of the country and invokes its continuance. He gave the pay of his chaplaincy to the families of the Whigs slain in battle. Though a man of conscientious views, and a lover of right, his judgment unfortunately wavered from timidity or the pressure of society around him on the British occupation of Philadelphia, and he felt himself called upon to write an unfortunate letter to General Washington,* urging him to abandon the cause of Independence, which Washington prudently laid before Congress, and which Duche's brother-in-law, Francis Hopkinson, replied to with great spirit and directness. This action caused his retirement from the country. He was well received in England, where he published two volumes of sermons in 1780, and a sermon before the Humane Society in 1781. After the war he returned to Philadelphia in 1790, where he died in 1794.

FROM CASPIPINA'S LETTERS,

To the Right Honorable Lord Viscount P—, Queen Street, Westminster,

My attachment to America, I am apt to think, in a great measure proceeds from the prospect of its growing greatness, to which every day seems more or less to contribute. In Europe, the several arts and sciences are almost arrived at their meridian of perfection; at least, new discoveries are less frequent now than heretofore. Architecture, gar dening, agriculture, mechanics are at a stand. The eye is weary with a repetition of scenes, in which it discovers a perpetual sameness, though heightened by all the refinements of taste. Excellency itself, in works of human art, cloys the faculties, if the mind is not now and then relieved by objects of inferior beauty. After roving over the magnificence of churches and palaces, we are glad to fix a while upon a simple farm-house, or straw-built cottage. We feel a particular delight in tracing the windings of a beautiful river from its first springs till it empties itself into the vast ocean. The mind pursues it through an immense tract of variegated country, and

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seems to flow and increase and widen along with it, till it loses itself in the abyss of waters,

The objects of art, as well as those of nature, in this new world, are at present in such a state, as affords the highest entertainment to these faculties of the mind. The progression is begun: here and there, in the midst of venerable woods, which, scarce a century ago, were the uncultivated haunts of roaming savages, the power of cultivation presents itself to the traveller's view, in opening lawns, covered with the richest verdure, fields of corn, orchards, gardens, and meadows fertilized by well directed streams. Hamlets, villages, and even populous cities, with their towering spires, excite our admiration. We are struck with the charin of novelty wherever we go. The comparison is always at hand-for, within the compass of a short mile, we may behol at once, nature in her original rusticity, and art rising by rapid advances to perfection.

The progress of the human mind may here likewise be observed to keep equal pace with the external improvements: the gradual polish of manners, from awkwardaess itself even to courtly civility; from superstitious notions, and bigoted religious attachments, to genuine spiritual devotion, may very readily be traced by a thoughtful and inquisitive mind. All the powers of nature seem to be upon the stretch, as if they were in pursuit of something higher still, in scieace, in manners, in religion itself, than the mother country can afford.

Indeed, my Lord, I feel my heart expand at the immense prospect that irresistibly opens upon me. I see new kingdoms and empires rushing forth from their embryo state, eager to disclose their lateat powers; whilst the old ones on the other side of the Atlantic, "hide their diminished hea is," lost in a superior lustre. I see learning stripped of all scholastic pedantry, and religion restored to gospel purity. I see the last efforts of a powerful Providence exerted in order to reclaim our wandering race from the paths of ignorance and error. I see the setting rays of the Sun of Righteousness shining forth with seven-fold lustre to the utmost bourn of this Western Continent.

Wonder not then, my Lord, at my attachment to this favoured spot. I treal the hallowed soil with far higher pleasures from anticipation than your classic enthusiasts feel from reflection, whilst they kiss the floor of Tusculum, or walk the " Eternal flint by Consuls trod."

There is one thought, indeed, that throws a damp upon that ardour of joy, which such speculations generally produce in my breast. From the strange propensity of human nature to abuse the richest gifts of Provillence, (of which history as well as experience affords us so many sad examples) I fear, lest the old leaven of wickedness should insinuate itself again by degrees, till it has corrupted the whole mass; lest the melancholy scenes we have beheld in the king loms and churches of the East should be acted over again in the West; and the declension of sound knowledge and virtuous practice, should be more rapid than their increase and advancement.

Your lordship has seen the works of the divine Herbert. You may remember how excessively fond Dr. Ry was of his poems, and how earnestly he would recommend his excellent little treatise, called The Country Parson, to all his pupils who were to be candidates for holy orders. Lest you should not have the book by you, I must beg leave to transcribe a very remarkable passage from a poem entitled The Church Militant, which, as it relates wholly to America, and breathes a kind of prophetic spirit, has generally been called "Herbert's Prophecy." The language is uncouth and the measure

far from harmonious-but there is something very striking and animated in the sentiment:

Religion stands on tip-toe in our lanď

Ready to pass to the American strand, &c.*

You see, my Lord, from the short sketches which I have given you, that Herbert's Prophecy, if it may be so called (though it is no more than what our schoolmen have styled reading from analogy), is fulfilling fast. Arts and religion still keep pace with each other; and 'tis not impossible, as he conjectures, that their return to the Fast will be the "time and place where judgement shall appear.”

HENRY CRUGER

HENRY CRUGER was the first American who sat in the British House of Commons. He was a member of a leading family in the society and politics of the colony and city of New York, and a nephew of Jolin Cruger, mayor of New York, and speaker of the Colonial Assembly at the time of the passage of the stamp act, and a proposer, and afterwards prominent member of the first Provincial Congress held in New York, in 1765. The "Declaration of Rights" issued by that body was written by him. Henry Cruger was born in New York, in 1739, and on arriving at manhood became connected in business with his father, who had established himself at Bristol, which then held a position, in reference to American commerce, similar to that of Liverpool at the present day, and was elected mayor of the city. The father's popularity seems to have been shared by the son, as he was also chosen mayor, and in 1774 one of the two representatives of the city, in the House of Commons, his colleague being Edmund Burke.

Man bruger

The election was a sharply contested one. Burke was introduced on the hustings by Cruger, and made a brief speech, at the conclusion of which, a Mr. C is reported in the newspapers of the day to have exclaimed, "I say ditto to Mr. Burke.” The story has passed into the jest books, and been fastened upon Cruger, who, as he had just before spoken, is not likely to have spoken again; or if he did, would not, as his future career shows, have expressed himself so briefly. The true author of this famous speech was a Mr. Carrington.

Cruger made his maiden speech December 16, 1774, in the debate on the Army Estimates. Josiah Quincy, Jun., was present in the gallery, and mentions the circumstance in one of his etters. A New York clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Vardell, of Trinity Church, was also an auditor, and wrote home the following enthusiastic ac count of the new member, in a letter, which we find printed in the Memoirs of Peter Van Schaick:

Mr. Cruger's fame has, I suppose, by this time renched his native shore. His applause has beca universally sounded in this country. Administra

See Art. Berkeley, ante, p. 162,

tion applauds him for his moderation; Opposition for the just line he has drawn, and all men for his modest eloquence and graceful delivery. His enemies are silenced by the strongest confutation of their charges against him of illiberal invective against the people of England, by his manly defence of his country, and honorable approbation of his op ponents wherever he thought them justifiable. I was in the house on the debate. It was remarkably crowded with members, and the galleries were filled with peers and persons of distinction. When Mr. Cruger rose, there was a deep silence. He faltered a little at first, but, as he proceeded, the ery of “Hear him! hear him!" aliniated him with resolution. Hood, the Irish orator, sat behind me. lle asked, "Who is that? who is that? A young speaker? Whoever he is, he speaks more eloquently than any man I have yet heard in the house." I took great pains to learn people's sentiments, and found them all in his favor. Mr. Garrick, a few days after, in a discussion on the subject, said, "he never saw human nature more amiably displayed than in the modest manner of address, patl.os of affection for his country, and graceful gesture, exhibited by Mr. Cruger in his speech." I am thus particular because you must be curious to know what reception the first American member met with in the most august assembly in Europe. My heart beat high with anxiety; I trembled when he arose with the most awful and affecting jealousy for the honor of my country. When "Hear him! hear him!" echoed through the house, joy rushed through every vein, and I seeined to glory in being a New-Yorker.

In this speech, while he dissents from many of the measures pursued by the Americans, he praises them for their love of liberty; dwells on the importance of the colonial trade to Great Britain; urges the necessity of conciliation, and the uselessness of coercion.

Even should coercive measures reduce them to an acknowledgment of the equity of Parliamentary taxation, what are the advantages that will result from it? Can it be believed that Americans will be dragooned into a conviction of this right? WEL severities increase their affection and make them more desirous of a connection with, and dependence: on Great Britain? Is it not, on the contrary, reasonable to conclude that the effect will be an increase

of jealousy and discontent? That they will seek all occasions of evading laws imposed on them by violence? That they will be restless under the yoke and think themselves happy in any opportunity of flying to the protection of some other power, from the subjection of a mother whom they consider cruel and vindictive?

I would not be understood, sir, to deny altogether the good intentions of administration. The abilities of the minister, it seems, are universally acknowledged. But, sir, I must add the maxim of “humanum est errare." And though an American, I must applaud his zeal for the dignity of parlia ment, and must think the impolicy and inexpediency of the late measures may reasonably be imputed to the difficulty and embarrassments of the occasion, and the unsettled and undefined nature of the dependence of the Colonies on the mother country. But, on the other hand, candor must admit the same apology for any violence or mistakes of the Ameri

cane

But, sir, since these measures have been found, by sad experience, to be totally inexpedient; since they

• Lord North

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In the debate on the Disturbances in North America, Feb. 2, 1775, Colonel Grant remarked, That he knew the Americans well, and was certain they would not fight," and was responded to so warmly by Cruger, that the latter was called to order by the Speaker. Cruger also spoke in the debate on the Representation and remon strance of the General Assembly of New York, May 15, 1775, and in that on Mr. Fox's motion for an Enquiry into the cause of the ill-success of the British Arins in North America, February 20, 1776. We quote the conclusion of this, which is one of his most successful efforts.

Admitting for the present, sir, that a force sufficient to subdue the colonies can be sent out-admitting that this country will patiently bear the enor mous weight of accumulated taxes, which so distant and unequal a war will require-admitting that foreign powers (the natural enemies of Britain) will, with composure and self-denial, neglect so favorable an opportunity of distressing their rivals-admitting that your fleets, unopposed, shall level to the ground those cities which rose under your protection, became the pillars of your commerce, and your nation's boast-admitting that foreign mercenaries spread desolation, that thousands fall before them, and that, humbled under the combined woes of poverty, anarchy, want, and defeat, the exhausted colonies fall suppliant at the feet of their conquerors -admitting all this will be the case, (which cannot well be expected from the past.) there necessarily follows a most momentous question; What are the great advantages that Great Britain is to receive in exchange for the blessings of peace and a lucrative commerce, for the affection and loyalty, for the pros perity, for the lives of so many of its useful subjects sacrificed? Would the bare acknowledgment of a right in Parliament to tax them, compensate for the millions expended, the dangers incurred, the miseries entailed, the destruction of human happiness and of life that must ensue from a war with our colonies, united as they are in one common cause, and fired to desperate cathusiasm by apprehensions of impending slavery? Or can you be so absurd as to imagine that concessions extorted in a time of danger and of urgent misery, will form a bond of lasting union! Impoverished and undone by their exertions, and the calamities of war, instead of being able to repay the expenses of this country, or to supply a revenue, they would stand in need of your earliest assistance to revive depressed and almost extinguished commerce, as well as to renew and uphold their necessary civil establishments.

I am well aware, sir, that it is said we must maintain the dignity of Parliament. Let me ask what dignity is that which will not descend to make millions happy-which will sacrifice the treasures and best blood of the nation to extort submissions, fruitless submissions, that will be disavowed and disregarded the moment the compulsory, oppressive force is removed! What dignity is that which, to enforce a disputed mode of obtaining a revenue,

will destroy commerce, spread poverty and desolation, and dry up every channel, every source, from which either revenue or any real substantial benefit can be expected}

Is it not high time then, Mr. Speaker, to examine the full extent of our danger, to pause and mark the paths which have misled us, and the wretched, bewildered guides who have brought us into our present difficulties! Let us seek out the destroying angel, and stop his course, while we have yet any thing valuable to preserve. The breach is not yet irreparable, and permit me, with all deference, to say, I have not a doubt but that liberal and explicit terins of reconciliation, with a full and firm security against any unjust or oppressive exercise of parlia mentary taxation, if held out to the colonies before the war takes a wider and more destructive course, will lead speedily to a settlement, and recall the former years of peace, when the affections and interests of Great Britain and America were one.

But, sir, if, on the contrary, we are to plunge deeper into this sea of blood; if we are to sacrifice the means and materials of revenue for unjust distinctions about the moles of raising it; if the laurels we can gain, and the dignity of Parliament we are to establish, can be purchased only by the miseries of our fellow-subjects, whose losses are our own; if the event is precarious, and the cause alien to the spirit and humanity of Englishmen; if the injury is certain, and the object of success unsubstantial and insecure, how little. soever the influence my poor opinion and arguments can have on this House, I shall at least free my conscience by having explicitly condemned all such impolitie, unjust, inalequate, injudicious measures, and by giving to this motion my most hearty concurrence and support.

In the debate on Mr. Wilkes's motion for the Repeal of the American Declaratory Act, December 10, 1777, Cruger says: "From my connections in America I have had an opportunity of collecting the sentiments of men of all orders and parties, and have reason to believe that independency is not yet the great object of the majority of the people." On the 5th of May, 1780, in the debate on General Conway's bill for quieting the troubles in America, "Mr. Cruger contended that the bill by no means went far enough. He said the American war, the real source of all our distresses and burdens, should be put an end to at all events; in order to do this, the independency must be allowed, and the thirteen provinces treated as free states." This is the last mention of his name in Hansard's Reports. He spoke only on American affairs, and was evidently not desirous of a separation between the colonies and the mother country, but when such a step became inevitable, acquiesced. Had he lived in America, he would no doubt have been prominent on the side of independence.

It is characteristic of the manner in which families were divided in political opinions, during the Revolution, that while Henry Cruger was in parliament, one of his two brothers in America was a colonel in the royal army, and employed in the southern campaign, while the other, a New York merchant, trading with the West Indies, though taking no active part in the contest, was identified with the Whig side, and a friend of General Washington.

Henry Cruger returned to New York after the war, and was elected to the state senate, while still a member of the British House of Commons,

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his term of service not having expired. He does not appear to have taken any active part in the Legislature, nor in any public affairs after the expiration of his term of office. He died in New York on the 24th day of April, 1827.

He was noted throughout his career for his frank, and at the same time polished manners; qualities which, combined with a handsome figure, no doubt contributed their share to his great personal popularity in Bristol, and his high social position in his native city. He was not forgotten after resuming his residence in New York, by his old constituents on the other side of the water; a spirited election ballad of 1812 referring to past triumphs under his leadership, as an incitement to exertion in favor of a distinguished successor, Romilly. We quote its opening stanzas:

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COLERIDGE, whose love of universal knowledge and constant desire to gratify the imagination, led him to be a diligent reader of the reports of travellers, particularly those who made original observations in regions of adventure and discovery, of the fidelity and essential value of whose narratives he was a most discriminating judge, said of these productions, "the latest book of travels I know, written in the spirit of the old travellers, is Bartram's account of his tour in the Floridas. It is a work of high merit every way." The author, who was the honored subject of this enlogy, was William Bartram, who printed in Philadelphia in 1791, in an octavo volume, his Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, the Cherokee

Thirty-eight years before Mr. Cruger was Arst chosen Member of Parliament.

Specimens of the Table Talk of the late Samuel Taylor Coleridge, March 12, 1697.

Country, the Extensive Territories of the Muscogulges or Creek Confederacy, and the Country of the Choctans. Containing an account of the soil and natural productions of those regions; together with observations on the manners of the Indians. The style of this work is distinguished by its simple love of nature and vivacity. It breathes of the freshness of a new land: every sensation is pleasurable, welcomed by health. The writer lived before that stage of the civilization of great cities which silences the voice of natural emotion raised in the expression of gratitude to Heaven or affection to man. Perhaps the simple life and pure tastes of the Quaker facilitated his lively gratification of the senses and emotions. All his faculties are alive in his book, whether he describes a tree, a fish, a bird, beast, Indian, or hospitable planter. He detects fragrance, vitality, and health everywhere in the animal world.

Will." Bartram.

William Bartram came naturally by his tastes in these pursuits. He was the fourth son of John Bartram-born in Pennsylvania in 1699-the earliest of American botanists, and the founder of the first Botanical Garden in the country. His acquaintance with medicine and occupation as a farmer had led him to the study of plants. The specimens which be collected were sent to London, and secured him the correspondence of Peter Collinson, the Quaker lover of science and the friend of Franklin. He was a great traveller in search of his favorite objects in natural history in the old provinces, making his way to the head waters of the lakes and rivers of New York and Pennsylvania, through what was then a wilderness, and accomplishing, when he was nearly seventy, a full exploration of the St. John's river in Florida. In 1751 some observations made by Bartram on his travels from Pennsylvania to Lake Ontario, and communicated to his friends in London, were published by them in a thin octavo, with an appendix containing the account of Niagara by the Swedish traveller Kalm.* The style of Bartram is crude, but his observations show the genius of the naturalist.

Of his southern journey an account was pub lished in 1766. It consists of a description of the country in its main features of climate, soil, natural productions, and opportunities for cultivation,

* Observations on the Inhabitants, Climate, Soll, Rivers, Productions, Animals, and other matters worthy of notice, made by Mr. John Bartram, in his Travels from Pennsylvania to Onondago, Oswego and the Lake Ontario, in Canada. To which is annexed a curious account of the Cataracts at Niagara, by Mr. Peter Kalm, a Swedish gentleman who travelled there. London. J. Whiston & White, 1751. 8vo. pp. 94. Kalm was a pupil of Linnæus at Upsal, and came to Ainerien at his instigation. From 1748-51 he was in America, where he was intimate with Colden, Logan, Franklin, and Bartram. His three volumes of travels in this country were translated from the Swedish into German, and thence into English by J. Reinold Forster, in 1771. Kalm died in 1779.

A Description of East-Florida, with a journal, kept by John Bartram, of Philadelphia Botanist to His Majesty for the Floridas: upon a journey from St. Augustine up the river St. John's, as far as the Lakes. With explanatory botanical notes, Illustrated with an accurate Map of East Florida, and two plans, one of St. Augustine, and the other of the Bay of Explritu Santo. The third edition, inuch enlarged and improved.

with a journal appended of actual observations (Dec. 9, 1765, Feb. 11, 1766). These are introduced in the edition before us by a dedication and recommendation from the pen of Dr. William Stork, who had the settlement of the country at heart. Bartram's observations are plainly set down, and his tract has the interest of most original notices of the kind. Ilis mention of the staple productions of the several colonies in 1766, is a point from which to measure the development of the country:-"Since every colony in America seems to have, as it were, a staple commodity peculiar to itself, as Canada the fur; Massachusetts Bay, fish; Connecticut, lumber; New York and Pennsylvania, wheat; Virginia and Maryland, tobacco; North Carolina, pitch and tar; South Carolina, rice and indigo; Georgia, rice and silk."

In a letter to Jared Eliot, dated Philadelphia, Sept. 1, 1775, introducing John Bartram, Franklin writes, "I believe you will find him to be at least twenty folio pages, large paper, well filled. on the subjects of botany, fossils, husbandry, and the first creation." Hector St. John, in his Letters of an American Farmer, has a long description of an alleged visit paid by a Russian gentleman to John Bartram, which is evidently an account of his own observations of the amiable naturalist. He mentions an inscription over the door of his greenhouse,

Slave to no sect, who takes no private road,
But looks through nature up to nature's God.

John Bartram

The character of John Bartram was marked by its strength and simplicity, and by his love for the moral precepts of the Bible. Born and educated a Quaker, he did not escape some imputations of imperfect orthodoxy. His natural piety was witnessed by the inscription engraved by his own hands upon a stone placed on the outside of his house, over the front window of his study—

'Tis God alone, Almighty Lorl,
The Holy one, by me adored.
JOHN BARTEAM, 1770.

He died September 21, 1777.

It was at the Botanic Garden on the banks of the Schuylkill, which the father founded, and in the house also built by his own hands, that William Bartram, the son, was born, February 9, 1789. He had for his tutor Charles Thomson, subsequently the honest and spirited republican of the old Continental Congress. He had an early talent for drawing, which led him to think of the congenial pursuits of printing and engraving; but he adopted the life of a merchant, which he soon abandoned; for before he was thirty years of age

Hic Segotes, Illle veniunt felicina uve Arborci Fructus alibi, atque injussa viresennt Graming Nonno vides croceos út Tmolus Odores, India mittet Ebur, molles sua Thura Sabæi? Virgil, Georgi-a. London; sold by W. Nicoll, at No. 51 St. Paul's Church Yard: and T. Jefferies, at Charing-Cross, Geographer to his Majesty. MDCCLXIX.

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