THE PILGRIMS RESOLVE TO EMIGRATE. 51 IV. hope of gain, &c. But their condition was not ordi- CHAP. nary. Their ends were good and honorable, their calling lawful and urgent, and therefore they might 1617. expect a blessing of God in their proceeding; yea, although they should lose their lives in this action, yet they might have comfort in the same; and their endeavours would be honorable. They lived here but as men in exile and in a poor condition; and as great miseries might possibly befall them in this place; for the twelve years of truce were now out,' and there was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the salvages of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here as there, and liberty less to look out for remedy. After many other particular things answered and alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part to put this design in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they could. 'The twelve years' truce, concluded April 9, 1609, expired in 1621, when the war was renewed. CHAPTER V. SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION CHAP. AND first, after their humble prayers unto God for V. his direction and assistance, and a general conference 1617. held thereabouts, they consulted what particular place to pitch upon and prepare for. Some, and none of the meanest, had thoughts and were earnest for Guiana,' or some of those fertile places in those hot cli Sir Walter Raleigh published in 1596 his "Discovery of Guiana," which he calls a mighty, rich and beautiful empire, directly east from Peru, towards the sea, lying under the equinoctial line. Its capital was "that great and golden city, which the Spaniards call El Dorado, and the natives Manoa, and for greatness, riches, and excellent seat it far exceedeth any of the world." Having, in 1595, sailed up the Orinoco 400 miles in quest of it, he says, "On both sides of this river we passed the most beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld; plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art and labor of the world so made of purpose; and still as we rowed, the deer came down feeding by the water's side, as if they had been used to a keeper's call. -I never saw a more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects, hills so raised here and there over the valleys, the river winding into divers branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the deer crossing in every path, the birds towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, the air fresh, with a gentle easterly wind; and every stone that we stopped to take up promised either gold or silver by his complexion. - For health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or west." See Raleigh's Works, viii. 381, 398, 427, 442, 462. (Oxford ed.) Chapman, too, the translator of THEY TURN THEIR THOUGHTS TO GUIANA. 53 V. mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,' where CHAP. the English had already made entrance and beginning. Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 1617. fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a flourishing greenness; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any great labor or art of man; so as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing and other things would secure them than in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As also that the Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.2 But to this it was answered, that out of question the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more easily than to others; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome impediments, which other more temperate places are free from, and would not so well agree with our Eng Grahame's History of the United 2 Although England and Spain 54 THEY CONCLUDE FOR VIRGINIA. CHAP. lish bodies. Again, if they should there live and do V. well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them 1617. long, but would displant and overthrow them, as he 1565. did the French in Florida,' who were settled further Sept. 21. from his richest countries; and the sooner, because they should have none to protect them, and their own strength would be too small to resist so potent an enemy and so near a neighbour. On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived amongst the English which were there planted, or so near them as to be under their government, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for their cause of religion as if they lived in England, and it might be worse; and if they lived too far off, they should neither have succour or defence from them. And at length the conclusion was, to live in a distinct body by themselves, under the general government of Virginia, and by their friends to sue to His See the account of the massacre of the Huguenots in Florida by the Spaniards, in Bancroft, i. 67-70. Virginia had been colonized by persons belonging to the Church of England, and attached to its ceremonies and institutions. In the orders and instructions for the government of the colony, issued by King James under his sign manual and the privy seal of England, it was specially enjoined that "the word and service of God should be preached and used according to the rites and doctrines of the Church of England." See Stith's Virginia, p. 37, and Chalmers's Annals, p. 15. The Virginia Company was established in 1606. On the 10th of April of that year, King James, by letters patent, divided a strip of land, of 100 miles wide, along the Atlantic coast of North America, extending from the 34th to the 45th degree of north latitude-a territory which then went under the common name of Virginia - be. tween two Companies, who were to colonize it. The First or Southern Colony was granted to certain knights, gentlemen, merchants, and adventurers of London, who were to colonize between the 34th and the 41st degrees. The Second, or Northern colony, was granted to persons of like description in Bristol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who were to plant between the 38th and the 45th degrees. Each Company was to be under the government of a council of thirteen, and neither of them was to plant a colony within a hundred miles of a previous settle AGENTS ARE SENT TO ENGLAND. V. 55 1617. Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free CHAP. liberty, and freedom of religion. And that this may be obtained they were put in good hope by some great persons of good rank and quality that were made their friends.1 Whereupon two2 were chosen and sent into England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter; who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them go thither, and willing to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, and to give them the best furtherance they could; and some of the chief of the Company doubted not to obtain their suit of the king for liberty in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according to their desires. But it proved a harder piece of work than they took it for. For although many means were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected; for ment made by the other. The Second or Plymouth Company made the unsuccessful attempt in 1607 to establish a colony near the mouth of the Kennebec. The First or London Company was the one to which the agents of the Pilgrims applied, and which seems at this time to have appropriated to itself exclusively the title of the Virginia Company. Douglass, i. 370, 395, Moulton, History of New York, p. 356, and Grahame, i. 188, err in saying that they obtained a grant of land or a promise of a patent, from the Plymouth Company. See the Charter in Stith, App. p. 1, and in Hazard's State Papers, i. 50. Among others, no doubt, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naunton, and Sir John Wolstenholme, as will hereafter be seen. 1 2 * Robert Cushman and John Carver, as appears by the letter of Sir Edwin Sandys on page 63. The little that is known of Cushman and Carver will be found in Belknap, ii. 3 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of |