their way? They would at most be only capable of failing on rivers, I think then the Gauluis had their holds very large to be able to carry more goods. They called theni round in 'opposition to thips of war which were extremely pointed.

These sorts of vessels which had their hulk large and the keel flats, were subject to great inconveniencies, and must have caused great obstacles in failing. A ship in effect of a round built and a large and flat bottom, would only draw very little water *. From hence it would yield to all winds, because it would want a point of support. Having a few feer in the water, she would fide over the surface of the waves, without being able to defend herself or resist them. She could not then hold her course without having the wind in the poop; and would not be able to carry much fail t. The run of the Phænician merchant- ships must have been, in consequence of these principles, very tlov and very uncertain. Such fort of vessels must necessarily take up a great deal of time in the least voyages. It is not difficult to shew why the first navigators had studied to give a round form to their merchant-ships. That sort of construction agreed perfectly with the state of navigation in these remote times. At that time they never quitted the coasts but from necessity. The ancients, of consequence, could not give much depth to their vessels à; they endeavoured then to gain in the breadth what they had loft in the depth

c Tacit. annal. 1. 2, c. 6.

* They say of a ship, that we draws so many feet of water, to express how many feet she is funk in the sea.

+ A ship of a long make, and that enters deeply into the water, keeps her course in almost all winds. By presenting her fide, the makes from the large sheet of water againit which the presses, a support sufficient to relist the contrary motion which the wind may impress on her fails. A king's flip, for example, of more than one hundred and fifty feet long, and thut vir:19.5 more than twenty feet of water. What a force must it not be for such a Thip to be able to displace fidewise the enormous mass of water which ielifts it in a direction perpendicular to its length? It follows then from the cifort of the wind, combined with the resistance of the water, that such a velil will escape by the diagonal. Thus the wind large, or on the quarter, is at this time reckoned the best wind to make a voyage. The wind in the soop is not so favourable, because in that case there is only a part of the fails in use; the wind cannot act upon them all at one time.

could f Athen. 1.11.c. 12. p. 489. ; Hygin. fab. 14. P. 50.; Scheffer loco cit. p. 146.

I do not think that these ships had a prow and a poop marked and distinct. The form of them might be the fame. They might, as appears to me, iteer them both ways. I judge thus from their fabric, which was very different from our vessels. We have only one rudder fixed to the poop, but the ancients had to three or four †; that is to say, properly speaking, they had none; and what they used for it, was, as I prefume, 'a sort of very large and very long oar *. These ships might, by this means, be worked any way they pleased. Some Indian nations still use at this time fhips which equally sail by the prow or by the poops. Perhaps also the rudders of the ancients, instead of being fixed to the poop or the prow, were placed on the sides", as they are seen on the praos, or pirogues of Bantami.

The methods and practices the Phænicians made use of to dire& their navigations, are not known to us. History has transmitted nothing to us on a subject fo curious and interesting. I shall not therefore stop to make conje&ures founded on no facts. I only think to be able to explain why these people had undertaken great enterprises before any other nation of antiquity.

In treating of the means used by the first navigators to know their route, and to be certain after a storm how far they had been thrown out of their way, I said that Ursa Major had been probably the first guide they had fol.

d See Tacit. annal 1. 2. c. 6.

• See Hygin. fab. 168. & 227.; Suid. in voce 'Ape Qingúperceis, t. 1. p. 153. and voce Aixgore, p. 589.; Scheffer. de milit. nav. veter. I. 2. C. 5. p. 147.

* There are seen pretty large and strong boats on the Seine which have no other rudder.

& Rec. des voyages qui ont servi à l'établissement de la compagnie des Indes Holland. t. 4. P. 594.

b Sec Tacit. annal. 1. 2. c. 6.
Voyages de la campagnie des Indes Holland. t. 1. p. 367,


lowed. I have shewn at the same time to what inconveniencies that choice exposed them k. The Phoenicians were the first who perceived it. They must therefore have searched in the heavens some point that would ferve to die rect the course of a ship in a more precise and certain manner than Ursa Major. They must have perceived, that as bove that constellation there was one much lefs, almost the fame figure, but in a contrary situation, and being much nearer the pole, never set for the seas they then frequented. They knew this constellation by the name of Urfa Minor. The Phoenicians chose a star to be their guide and their point of knowledge. I say a star in general; for in the times we are treating of, that is to say, about 1 250 years before Christ, the star which is at the extremi. ty of the tail of Ursa Minor, and by which we regulate at this time, could not shew the pole with precision. It was then too distant m. I believe that the Phænicians made use, in the ages I speak of, of the bright star placed in the shoulder of Ursa Minor, which is of the second magnitude, and very remarkable. It was this discovery which probably encouraged the Phoenicians early to undertake great voyages, and to expose themselves on un.' known feas. Their skill in maritime affairs and in business was greatly celebrated in the times of the war of 'Troy

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Of the Phrygians, Lydians, Trojans, &c. Hino

Istory has not handed down to us the same lights on

the commerce of the other people of Asia, as on that of the Phoenicians. Yet it cannot be doubted, that trade was very flourishing, in many countries in that vast part

* See part 1. book, 4. chap. 2.

See Bochart, Can. 1. 1.c. 8. p. 110.; Palmer.exercitat. p. 445. n Acad. des sciences, année 1733, mémoires, p.440. * Odyr. l. 15. V. 414. & 415.

of the world, and particularly in Asia Minor, in the ages we are speaking of at present. It is true, as I have just said, that we are ignorant of the details and particulars. We can only judge from certain tracts dispersed in the wri. tings of the historians of antiquity.

What fable, for example, declares of Midas, King of Great Phrygia, that he turned into gold every thing he touched, must be understood, I think, of the skill of that prince to improve the productions of his country, and of his attention to make trade flourilh there.

Such was the source of the riches of this prince, so boasted of in antiquity on May not one say, by a metaphor, which is not too far fetched, that the effect of trade is to turn all into gold? This conje&ure appears to me so much the more probable, as Midas was particularly attached to the perfecting navigation. They say he had invented the anchor which they used to stop their ships P. We also see that the Phrygians were looked upon, for some time, as masters of the sea 9. None but trading nations could pretend to that sort of fuperiority.

The Phrygians also passed in antiquity for the inventors of waggons with four wheels", so commodious for carrying merchandise by land. I had forgot to mention, that an ancient tradition attributed to Demodice, wife of Midas, the invention of coining money. We must then conclude, from all these facts, that the people of Great Phrygia were then much given to' trade.

We might say as much of those who inhabited the Lesser Phrygia. Trade must have been very flourishing in that country. Tantalus, who reigned there about the middle of the ages which now employ us, had been equally renowned as well for his riches as for his sordid avarice '. Master of a great treasure, he durst not touch it. His son

• See Plin. l. 33. fect. 15. p. 613. & 614. » Pausap. 1. 1. C.4. p. 12.

q Syncell. p. 181. r Plin. 1. 7. seit. 57. p.415. s Pollux, 1. 7. c.6. $ 83. p. 1663. ; Heraclid. in polit. verbo o quyiov. i See Mezeriac, ad epiit. Ovid. t. 2, p. 329.


be that nan

Pelops made a better use of it. Obliged to renounce the throne of his father, and to fly his country, he went into Greece when Acrisius reigned in Argos. Pelops had brought great riches from Asia. That prince knew to disperse them he owed lo properly. They owed to him a degree of power that soon raised them above all the sovereigns of Greece, though at that time very poor and very indigent, trade being still un-him above known in that part of Europe.

I have nothing particular to say at this time on the commerce of the Lydians. We have seen in the first part of this work, that these people were addicted to trade in very early times u. They continued it with so much success, that Croefus, their last sovereign, was reputed the richest monarch in the universe.

It is also certain, that trade must have been in great esteem in the kingdom of Troy. The riches of Priam do not permit us to doubt of it *. The states of that prince were situated very advantageously. They were extended over all the western coast of the Hellespont: the isles of Tenedos and of Lesbos were even comprehended in themy. The Trojans had known to profit by that happy fituation, to addict themselves to commerce and navigation. They had good ports e and skilful builders of ships b. Æneas and Antenor were able, even after the ruin of their country, to equip each a feet, considerable enough to look out for, and form new settlements c.

I know not whether we must put the Carians in the number of trading nations. The origin of these people is not otherwise known. It is only known, that they pretend to have inhabited, time immemorial, that province of Asia Minor, which, from their name, is called Cariad. It appears, that the Carians frequented the sea very early. But it was not with a view to trade. They only did it to rob and pil


Thucyd. 1. 1. p. 6. & 7.; Plut. in Thes. p. 2. A. u Book 4. C. 4. p.269. & 273.

* See Hom. Iliad. 1. 24. V. 514. &c. y Hom. ibid. &c.; Virgil. Æneid. 1. 2. V. 21. &c. z See Plin. 1.7. sect. 57. p. 417. a Virgil. Æneid. 1. 3. V. 5. & 6. b Hom. Iliad. 1. 5. v. 60. &c. c Virgil. Æneid. 1. 1. V. 242. 1. 3. v. 4. &c. d See acad. des inscript, t.9, mem. p. 113. VOL. II. 09


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