Homer and Hefiod *. The conftellation of Charles's Wain, called by Homer Bootes, and Arcturus by Hefiod, has fince been named Arctophylax, the keeper of the bear 1. That of the Bull did not bear in the early times, among the Greeks, the name of that animal. They named that conftellation originally + the guardian of the feafons .

But what has been the origin of the names and the figures that the Greeks have given anciently to conftellations? To what caufe are the changes they have made in them referred? This is what I shall treat of in a particular differtation; I fhall expose my conjectures about the origin of the names by which the first people have originally designed the conftellations. I fhall likewife give an account of the changes that thefe names have received among the Greeks, and of the motives which occafioned them. I think for this reafon I fhall be difpenfed with at prefent from entering into any detail on this object.

With refpect to the planets, it is certain, that, at the times we now mention, the Greeks only knew Venus. This is in effect the only planet which is fpoken of in the writers of great antiquity. But the difcovery of Venus conducted the Greeks but very flowly to the knowledge of the other planets. This is a fact of which I fhall give the proof in the fucceeding volume. We fhall fee there, that to the time that Eudoxus and Plato returned from Egypt, the Greeks had no idea of the proper motion of the planets. It is easy to be convinced of this, when we reflect, that, at the time of Pythagoras, these people still believed that the Venus of the morning and the Venus of the night were two different planets. It was Pythagoras who drew them from fo grofs an error.

*Befides the names of "Agxtos, of "Apağa, and of 'Hλixn, given by the Greeks to the Great Bear, we fee that they likewife defign it by that of "Ayava. Hefychius in voce "Ayavva.

f See Hygin. poet. aftron. 1. 2. n. 2. p. 360. t. Le gardien des termes. & Sphaera Empedocl. v. 98. & feq. See Hygin, poet aftron. 1. 2. where he has related all the different names given to the conftellations by the Greeks. See at the end of this volume the first differtation on the names of the conftellations.

The

The facts which I have expofed appear to me fufficient to give an idea of the state of aftronomy among the Greeks, in the heroic times. The inductions that may be drawn from them, if we may fay fo, prefent themselves.

I

Of geometry, mechanics, and geography.

Shall not stop to inquire what knowledge the Greeks might have had in geometry, in mechanics, and in geography, in the ages we are running over at present. The facts which ancient hiftory, and particularly Homer, furnish for this epoch, prove that the Greeks then had fome notions of the fundamental practices of these different sciences. I have fhewn elsewhere, that, without fuch knowledge, no political fociety could fubfift. But to determine precisely the state in which the mathematics were in Greece in the heroic ages, is impoffible. Ancient authors have tranfmitted nothing particular nor precise about this object. I do not think then, that it ought to be attempted. I could only repeat most of the conjectures, which I have proposed in the first part of this work, on the origin and unfolding of the fciences. The reader need only recollect what I have there faid, and he will fee that almost all the reflections which I there made on the first people, may very well be applied to the Greeks of the heroic ages. I think, it will be better, to propose some conjectures on the causes which hindered for fo long a time the progrefs of the fciences in Greece.

I have already faid, and do not fear to repeat it, it is always furprising that the people with whom we cannot conteft the glory of having carried the arts and sciences to the utmost perfection; that the people regarded at this time, and with reafon, as our masters and models in all matters which raise and distinguish the human mind, had been fo long a time bounded by notions extremely grofs.

From

From the epoch of the establishment of the firft colonies of Afia and Egypt in Greece, to the time of Thales, that is to fay, for more than a thousand years, the Greeks made no progress in the fciences, which the people of the east had communicated to them. The continual intercourfe which Greece kept up with Egypt and Phoenicia, one would think, would have contributed to kindle and develop the feeds of knowledge. Yet this commerce, with people fo improved, did not produce the effect naturally to be expected from it. These first feeds were ftifled. Let us endeavour to give a reason for this flowness and inactivity. By examining the state in which Greece was in the ages which at prefent fix our attention, and by reflecting on the events which happened there at that time, we shall fee that it was not poffible for the Greeks to perfect the first knowledge which they had received from Afia and Egypt.

I think, it is demonftrated by all the lights that history can afford us on the origin and progrefs of the sciences, that they did not begin to acquire any fort of perfection, but in pretty confiderable ftates i. Greece in the heroic ages, and long afterwards, reckoned alnıoft as many kingdoms as cities. We may eafily comprehend how weak those fort of states must have been. What inhabitants they had, must have been folely taken up with the care of their own prefervation. In fuch a fituation the fciences could hardly make any progress.

Befides, a nation cannot cultivate the fciences, but in proportion to its enjoying tranquillity, which Greece was very far from enjoying the fweets of in the heroic times *. Expofed to the incurfions and ravages of ftrangers, tormented with divifions and inteftine wars, engaged to carry their arms into diftant climes; laftly, exposed to the moft fatal revolutions, how could these people give them

See part 1. book. 3. chap. 2. art 6.

See Thucyd. 1. 1, n. 12.

felves up to that repose and study which the arts and fciences require? To prove this, let us give a fhort but exact: picture of the different revolutions with which that part of Europe was then agitated.

We have juft feen that they formerly had not in Greece any flourishing states; and of confequence they had no fecurity, no tranquillity in that part of Europe. These countries then quite open, and without defence, were a prey to the avidity of the neighbouring people, who every instant came to attack and plunder them. In thefe unhappy times the inhabitants removed themselves, as far as possible, from the fea-coafts for fear of pirates. They had fcarce any more fecurity in the inland parts. The people pillaged, ftript, and mutually drove them from their habitations. Thus they were always obliged to be armed: they could neither trade, nor even cultivate the earth".

The different colonies which came from Afia and Egypt to fettle themselves in Greece about the beginning of the ages we are now running over, drew them from the horrors to which they were then a prey. The conductors of thefe new migrations communicated to the Greeks the fciences which thefe people had always wanted, or which at leaft they abfolutely neglected to cultivate. They built cities in advantageous places, and at the fame time commodious for traffic. They alfo found out the means of inhabiting the coafts with fome fecurity. The fea-ports, becoming rich, were augmented by little and little: the most powerful built walls, and fecured themfelves from incurfions. It was thus that Greece began infenfibly to inftruct and polish itfelf.

But the fpirit of difcord, almoft at the fame time, feized on the different ftates, which then formed themselves in each diftrict. Without particularifing the number of petty inteftine hoftilities, the two wars of Thebes, the laft of which ended with the ruin of that city, of themselves put

Thucyd. 1. 1. n. 7.; Philocor. apud. Strab. 1. 9. p. 109.

Thucyd. 1. 1. n. 5. 6. 7. 12. & 17.
See infra, book 4. chap.4.

0

Thục 1. 1. I, n. 7. & 8.

all

all Greece in combuftion. The expedition of the Argonauts, which afterwards employed the choice and flower of the nation in a diftant country, the league formed a little afterwards for the destruction of Troy, lastly, the revolution which the return of the Heraclidæ caufed in Peloponnefus, did not give the Greeks time to breathe. The war of Troy had occafioned the greatest disorders in Greece; but the revolution which rendered the Heraclidæ mafters of Peloponnefus, had still more fatal confequences. This laft event replunged Greece nearly into the fame ftate of barbarism, from which the colonies from Afia and Egypt had drawn them.

The reader may call to mind what I have already said in the first book, of the efforts which the defcendents of Hercules made to enter into the domain of their ancestors, 80 years after the taking of Troy 9. After various attempts, they made themselves masters of Peloponnefus. The fuc cefs of their enterprise threw Greece into the greatest trouble and confufion. Almost all the ancient inhabitants were driven from their first fettlements. The commotion was general. The bad effects which this event produced were not confined to these calamities. The troops which the defcendents of Hercules employed, were for the most part composed of Dorians of Theffaly. These gross and favage people threw Greece into a state of ignorance and barbarism nearly equal to that into which the Normans threw France about the end of the ninth century. These Dorians exterminated or drove out almost all the inhabitants of Peloponnefus, and of one part of Attica. They destroyed most of the ancient cities, and founded new ones; the citizens of which, ignorant of letters, and neglecting the fciences, only applied themselves to agriculture and the military art. Those of the ancient inhabitants who remained in these countries, were reduced to flavery. The others, forced to look for new habitations, fettled themselves See infra, book 5. chap. 3. 9 P. 45. & 46. Thucyd. 1. 1. n. 12. ; Pauf. 1. 5. c. 3. & 4.