IT is here that Henry is first introduced on the scene. The poet has represented him as very young:

What, shall a child instruct you what to do?" He was, in truth, only in his fifth year when the contest between Gloster and Beaufort was solemnly arbitrated before the parliament at Leicester. But the poor child was made to go through the ceremonies of royalty even before this. Hall, writing of the third year of his reign, says, "About Easter, this year, the king called his high court of parliament at his town of Westminster: and coming to the parliament-house, he was conveyed through the city upon a great courser with great triumph: which child was judged of all men not only to have the very image, the lively portraiture, and lovely countenance of his noble parent and famous father, but also like to succeed and be his heir in all moral virtues, martial policies, and princely fents."

At the parliament of Leicester Bedford presided, and "openly rebuked the lords in general because that they, in the time of war, through their privy malice and inward grudge, had almost moved the people to war and commotion." This rebuke the poet has put into the mouth of Henry :

"Believe me, lords, my tender years can tell,
Civil dissension is a viperous worm,

That gnaws the bowels of the commonwealth." The creation of Richard Plantagenet as Duke of York has been dramatically introduced by the poet into the same scene. The honours bestowed upon Plantagenet immediately followed the hollow reconciliation between Gloster and Beaufort.

The second scene brings us again to France. The stratagem by which Joan of Arc is here represented to have taken Rouen is found in Holinshed,

as a narrative of the mode in which Evreux was taken in 1442. The scene of Bedford dying in the field is purely imaginary. The chronicler simply records his death in 1435, and that his "body was with all funeral solemnity buried in the cathedral church of our lady in Rone, on the north side of the high altar, under a sumptuous and costly monument."

The defection of the Duke of Burgundy from the English cause did not take place till 1434, and it was in that year that he wrote the letter to Henry to which Gloster alludes in the first scene of the fourth act. The English chroniclers are totally silent as to any influence exercised, or attempted to be exercised, by Joan of Arc, in the separation of Burgundy from the interests of England. The actual event, of course, took place after Joan's death; yet it is most remarkable that the spirited dialogue between La Pucelle and Burgundy, in this act, is wholly borne out by the circumstance that the Maid, on the very day of the coronation of Charles at Rheims, in 1429, addressed a letter to the Duke of Burgundy, in which she uses arguments not at all unlike those of this scene of the play. The letter is published by Barante. ('Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne,' tom. iv. page 259.) The original is in the archives of Lille; and Barante says it was first published in 1780. We can scarcely avoid thinking that the author of this play had access to some French chronicler, by whom the substance of the letter was given. We transcribe the original from Barante; for the characteristic simplicity of the style would be lost in a translation :

"Jhesus Maria.

"Haut et redouté prince, duc de Bourgogne, Jehanne la Pucelle vous requiert, de par le roi du ciel, mon droiturier souverain seigneur, que le roi de

France et vous fassiez bonne paix, ferme, qui dure longuement. Pardonnez l'un à l'autre de bon cœur, entièrement, ainsi que doivent faire loyaux chrétiens; et s'il vous plaît guerroyer, allez sur le Sarrasin. Prince de Bourgogne, je vous prie, supplie, et requiers tant humblement que je vous puis requérir, que ne guerroyiez plus au saint royaume de France, et faites retraire incontinent et brièvement vos gens qui sont en aucunes places et forteresses du dit royaume. De la part du gentil roi de France, il est prêt de faire paix avec vous, sauf son honneur; et il ne tient qu'à vous. Et je vous fais savoir, de par le roi du ciel, mon droiturier et souverain seigneur, pour votre bien et pour votre honneur, que vous ne gagnerez point de bataille contre les loyaux Français; et que tous ceux qui guerroyent au dit saint royaume de France guerroyent contre le roi Jhesus, roi du ciel et de

tout le monde, mon droiturier et souverain seigneur. Et vous prie et vous requiers à jointes mains que ne fassiez nulle bataille, ni ne guerroyiez contre nous, vous, vos gens, et vos sujets. Croyez sûrement, quelque nombre de gens que vous ameniez contre nous, qu'ils n'y gagneront mie; et sera grand pitié de la grand bataille et du sang qui sera répandu de ceux qui y viendront contre nous. Il y a trois semaines que je vous ai écrit et envoyez de bonnes lettres par un héraut pour que vous fussiez au sacre du roi qui, aujourd'hui dimanche, dix-septième jour de ce présent mois de juillet, se fait en la cité de Reims. Je n'en ai pas eu réponse, ni one depuis n'a ouï nouvelles du héraut. A Dieu vous recommande et soit garde de vous, s'il lui plaît, et prie Dieu qu'il y mette bonne paix. Ecrit au dit lieu de Reims, le 17 juillet."

SCENE I.-Paris. A Room of State. Enter KING HENRY, GLOSTER, EXETER, YORK, SUFFOLK, SOMERSET, WINCHESTER, WARWICK, TALBOT, the Governor of Paris, and others. Glo. Lord bishop, set the crown upon his head. Win. God save king Henry, of that name the sixth !

Glo. Now, governor of Paris, take your oath,[Governor kneels. That you elect no other king but him: Esteem none friends but such as are his friends; And none your foes but such as shall pretend Malicious practices against his state: This shall ye do, so help you righteous God! [Exeunt Gov. and his Train.

Enter Sir JOHN FASTOLFE.

Fast. My gracious sovereign, as I rode from Calais,

To haste unto your coronation,

a Pretend-intend.

A letter was deliver'd to my hands,
Writ to your grace from the duke of Burgundy.
Tal. Shame to the Duke of Burgundy, and
thee!

I vow'd, base knight, when I did meet thee next,
To tear the garter from thy craven's leg,

[Plucking it off

(Which I have done) because unworthily
Thou wast installed in that high degree.
Pardon me, princely Henry, and the rest:
This dastard, at the battle of Patay,
When but in all I was six thousand strong,
And that the French were almost ten to one,
Before we met, or that a stroke was given,
Like to a trusty squire, did run away;
In which assault we lost twelve hundred men ;
Myself, and divers gentlemen beside,
Were there surpris'd and taken prisoners.
Then judge, great lords, if I have done amiss;
Or whether that such cowards ought to wear
This ornament of knighthood, yea or no.

Glo. To say the truth, this fact was infamous

And ill-beseeming any common man;
Much more a knight, a captain, and a leader.

Tal. When first this order was ordain'd, my lords,

Knights of the garter were of noble birth;
Valiant, and virtuous, full of haughty courage,
Such as were grown to credit by the wars;
Not fearing death, nor shrinking for distress,
But always resolute in most extremes.
He then that is not furnish'd in this sort
Doth but usurp the sacred name of knight,
Profaning this most honourable order;
And should (if I were worthy to be judge)
Be quite degraded, like a hedge-born swain
That doth presume to boast of gentle blood.
K. Hen. Stain to thy countrymen! thou hear'st
thy doom:

Be packing therefore, thou that wast a knight; Henceforth we banish thee, on pain of death.— [Exit FASTOLFE.

And now, lord protector, view the letter
Sent from our uncle duke of Burgundy.
Glo. What means his grace, that he hath
chang'd his style?

[Viewing the superscription.

No more but, plain and bluntly,-"To the king?'
Hath he forgot he is his sovereign?
Or doth this churlish superscription
Pretend some alteration in good will ?a
What's here?'I have, upon especial cause,-

[Reads.

Mov'd with compassion of my country's wrack,
Together with the pitiful complaints
Of such as your oppression feeds upon,—
Forsaken your pernicious faction,

And join'd with Charles, the rightful king of
France.'

O monstrous treachery! Can this be so;
That in alliance, amity, and oaths,

There should be found such false dissembling guile ?

K. Hen. What! doth my uncle Burgundy revolt?

Glo. He doth, my lord; and is become your foc. K. Hen. Is that the worst this letter doth contain ?

Glo. It is the worst, and all, my lord, be writes. K. Hen. Why then, lord Talbot there shall talk with him,

And give him chastisement for this abuse :How say you, my lord? are you not content? Tal. Content, my liege? Yes; but that I am prevented,

I should have begg'd I might have been employ'd.

a Pretend. Mr. Dyce states that prelend was used in the sense of portend by Skelton.

wrong.

K. Hen. What is that wrong whereof you both complain?

First let me know, and then I'll answer you.
Bas. Crossing the sea from England into
France,

This fellow here, with envious carping tongue,
Upbraided me about the rose I wear ;
Saying the sanguine colour of the leaves
Did represent my master's blushing cheeks,
When stubbornly he did repugn" the truth,
About a certain question in the law,
Argued betwixt the duke of York and him;
With other vile and ignominious terms:
In confutation of which rude reproach,
And in defence of my lord's worthiness,
I crave the benefit of law of arms.
Ver. And that is my petition, noble lord:
For though he seem, with forged quaint conceit,
To set a gloss upon his bold intent,

Yet know, my lord, I was provok'd by him;
And he first took exceptions at this badge,
Pronouncing that the paleness of this flower
Bewray'd the faintness of my master's heart.
York. Will not this malice, Somerset, be left?
Som. Your private grudge, my lord of York,

will out,

Though ne'er so cunningly you smother it. K. Hen. Good Lord! what madness rules in brain-sick men ;

When, for so slight and frivolous a cause,