to Burma, coupled with an understanding of the deep-seated feeling which exists throughout the East that Japan is the potential leader of a panOriental movement, is enough to explain this Japanese activity in the Malay archipelago. It might be added that a conspicuous part of the standard schoolroom equipment of the Dutch possessions is a wall map which includes Mindanao as a part of Insulinde, and that Japan has established a large colony on the southern coast of that rich and undeveloped island of the Philippine group.

II

The distinguishing characteristic of the political development which is now occurring in the Netherlands Indies is that it is based upon the historic institutions of the native inhabitants. It is a commonplace that the Netherlands East Indies Company, the instrument of Dutch authority in the Orient from 1602 to 1798, existed for the sole purpose of trade. This association of adventurous merchants cared nothing for the glory of sovereignty and felt no impulse either to save the souls or to improve the worldly state of the island peoples with whom it dealt. So instead of the legions, the law, and the language of Imperial Rome, the soldier, the priest, and the administrator of Colonial Spain, or the groups of hardy settlers which reproduced England in half a dozen parts of the world, the Dutch sent to their Eastern possessions only the factor. At an enormous distance and with inadequate support from home, this functionary always sought to trade rather than to govern. The company maintained a few strong posts at strategic points and sought the exclusive control of the Malayan seas. Its policy was never to assume the government of a native

state if it was possible to procure the spices and other products which it sought by dealing with the existing ruler or by replacing him with an always available rival. Consequently, at the end of the eighteenth century when, under Spanish rule, the branch of the Malay race which inhabits the Philippine Islands had been Christianized and organized socially and politically upon the lines of a unified Occidental state, the inhabitants of the lower part of the Malay Archipelago were still Mohammedans grouped into a congeries of native states bound to Holland by treaty only.

During the nineteenth century the Dutch viceroys gradually assumed the direct government of most of Java and Madura, now the home of about 37,000,000 of the 47,000,000 inhabitants of their wide-flung domains. But even under the centralized system' which the great Daendels inaugurated the Native governmental organization is utilized. The Native regents, hereditary chiefs of subdivisions of the old Javanese kingdoms, are officials in the Dutch hierarchy, with each of whom is associated a Dutch resident, or 'elder brother,' who really directs the government of the district under the strict supervision of the Governor-General in Batavia. The regent is, in turn, assisted by subordinate native officials, wedenos, who also serve with Dutch controleurs, and whose duties within their smaller districts are similar to those of the regent within his larger sphere. Within the villages the old democratic Malay institutions are largely maintained and the natives, Inlanders, the Dutch call them, as a rule live under their ancient law, or adat, administered by native tribunals.

Outside of Java and Madura, Dutch authority is exercised chiefly through residents, or controleurs, who act as authoritative advisers to hereditary

native rulers. There are still some three hundred and fifty of these selfgoverning districts in the 'external possessions.' Thus the Dutch, instead of destroying, have utilized the political and social organization which they found in their Asiatic colonies, and, along with these old institutions, their Malay subjects have retained much of their ancient culture and the religion which they possessed when their present masters arrived from Europe.

III

The present movement toward selfgovernment in the Dutch Indies began in the local field in 1903. Constitutionally authorized in that year, urban, district, and provincial councils were gradually instituted in those places which the Batavia administration deemed ready to use them successfully. In the urban and district bodies the government is represented by administrative officials sitting ex-officio, while the European population, the Natives, and the foreign Orientals speak through elected and appointed members. The provincial councils are entirely appointed. Thus far Europeans predominate in the provincial and municipal councils, 'so that modern European ideas of local administration and sanitation, especially in the greater centres of population, may be guaranteed.' District councils are now being created, however, with Native majorities.

Both electoral and membership qualifications for these bodies are high, consisting of the payment of considerable taxes or the ability to speak and read Dutch. The result is that the electorate consists of consists of Dutchmen, Eurasians, and the wealthier Natives, Chinese and Arabs the Eurasians, a powerful and highly self-conscious class, having by far the greater number

of votes. The new organs thus established exercise a limited control over the usual subjects of local administration.

The decentralization and popularization of local government which was thus begun in 1903 is being slowly extended through Java and Madura, and to a few of the 'external possessions.' The Dutch are not in a hurry. They have been in the Indies for more than three centuries: why should they attempt to remake the country in a generation? Furthermore, having made no rash promises, one of the indiscretions of less experienced colonial powers, they are not pledged to apply the dogmas of democracy to subjects not prepared to receive them.

Local self-government in Insulinde does not yet mean popular selfgovernment. In preparing the masses of the people for popular government of the Western type, the Dutch have progressed in the Indies to about the point which had been reached by Spain in the Philippines in 1898. But in the Philippines the Spaniards destroyed all native political organization, while in Insulinde the Malay still expresses himself governmentally through his ancient political institutions, which are controlled but have not been obliterated by his alien overlord.

Thirteen years after the inauguration of limited local self-government in the Indies, Holland introduced a similar element in the central administration of her Eastern colonies. In 1916 an act of the States-General provided for the establishment of a Volksraad to be associated with the Governor-General, the Council of the Indies, and the departmental secretaries who had hitherto been the sole repositories of governmental power in Batavia. A distinguished Dutch citizen, whose family has been associated with the Indies for generations and who played an important part in the organization

of the new council, described to the writer the influences which led to this step. He said, in substance:

"The plan for the Volksraad was launched as early as 1905, and from that time on there was an increasing Native demand for its creation. The Malays were supported by the Chinese who were also clamoring for better treatment and more political and civil rights. With the formation of the Chinese Republic in 1912 these demands became stronger, as did those of the Natives and of a section of the Europeans. The Philippine example, especially the increase of autonomy which occurred upon the advent of the Wilson administration, exerted a powerful influence here and was one of the great compelling forces that finally led to action. Dutchmen said, "We must do something or we shall be left far behind in the general development of the world." And of course selfgovernment in the Philippines was used as a lever by the Natives, as well as by liberal Dutchmen here and in Holland. The creation of the Volksraad in 1916 was due to these causes and to the fact that, at that time, when Holland was busy at home protecting her neutrality and was in financial straits on account of the mobilization of her army and the disorganization of her trade, she could not afford to risk trouble in the Indies. The conservatives both here and at home were opposed to the step, but they could prevent it no longer.'

Similar views as to the forces which compelled the creation of the Volksraad are commonly expressed in Java, Native speakers emphasizing the compelling influence of their demands. The importance of the Philippine example is of particular significance to Americans, especially as this influence is equally powerful in every other part of the Orient.

IV

The Volksraad in Batavia is one of the most interesting colonial councils in the world. Half of its forty-eight members are elected by the local councils which have already been described, while the other half are appointed by the Governor-General. Membership is divided equally among the Natives and the European and Chinese subjects of the Queen. The assembly is housed in a dignified and beautiful building, which was once the palace of the Governor-General, and it there enjoys quarters that any legislature in the world might envy. Called to their chamber by the sound of an ancient Javanese gong, the members represent almost every element of power and influence in Insulinde. Stalwart, white-clad Dutchmen, marked by the air of mastery which distinguishes that race in the tropics, slim Javanese, Sundanese, Macassars, or other Natives, often wearing Bond Street coats and haberdashery in combination with batik sarongs and Oriental footgear, an Arab Hadji in his fez, and impassive Chinese, all mingle together in the usual legislative fraternity.

The presiding officer, or 'voorzitter,' is appointed by the Crown, and the present incumbent, Dr. W. M. G. Schumann, plays an important rôle in the transactions of the chamber. A Eurasian of German origin, Dr. Schumann is an authority on administrative law and had won distinction as an administrator and teacher before entering the first Volksraad as a Liberal. It is evident even to the casual observer that he does not hesitate to use freely the wide powers which the rules of procedure place in his hands, and that he is regarded as a leader by every group in the House. Members not only respect his judgment, but enjoy and at times fear his

ready wit. It is often said, too, that the voorzitter enjoys special prestige and power because his appointment comes direct from the Crown, a condition that would not exist in most assemblies.

The powers of the Volksraad are so limited as to seem almost trivial when compared with those enjoyed by the Philippine Legislature, or even by the new National Legislature in British India. All legislative authority is vested in the Governor-General and his council of three or in the StatesGeneral itself. The Viceroy, however, must seek the advice of the Volksraad upon the annual budget bill, upon other financial measures of importance, and upon proposals to impose military duties upon the people. The budget must be approved by the Volksraad before the Governor-General can make it effective; but this seeming hold over the administration is rendered somewhat illusory by the provision that financial measures shall be finally enacted by the States-General, which often treats the budget from Batavia with as little respect as our Congress shows for Executive recommendations. In the exercise of his other powers the Governor-General is not bound to follow the advice of the Volksraad.

During the five years of its existence, nevertheless, the Volksraad has exercised a much greater influence than might have been expected from an a priori estimate of its legal powers; and that influence is plainly increasing. As one member of the chamber remarked, 'We have never changed a budget, it is true, save in unimportant details. Our chief use is as a preventive. That is, we compel the Government to consider very carefully whether its budget or other measure will be approved before presenting it. Then when the measure is presented it is fully discussed. And,' this gentle

man added, 'a new day had dawned in the Indies when the Government had to consider carefully what any local council, especially one composed in part of Natives, might think of its measures.'

The rôle of the Volksraad in influencing both legislation and administration was admirably illustrated at the time of the debates upon the educational chapters of this year's budget. In the Department of Education and Religion the writer found all of the higher staff absorbed in preparing material to be used by the secretary in justifying his proposals to the House, in meeting criticism of its weak points, and in defending the educational policy and administration of the Government. In the Volksraad the secretary faced his critics in precisely the same spirit that British ministers face the House of Commons during the debates upon the estimates. The fact that the assembly lacks power to dismiss him from office did not seem to make the three-day discussion less of an ordeal. Very obviously the Government was dealing with a body whose wishes could not be ignored. In this matter, as in many others, the influence already exercised by this new colonial council is another illustration of the fact that constitutions serve only as startingpoints for the development of the powers of legislatures.

The first Volksraad was decidedly radical in its membership but in the second elections, which occurred in 1921, the limited electorate returned representatives who were conservatives, almost to a man. The GovernorGeneral, however, then appointed a considerable number of Radicals, including a Socialist, to the assembly. The result is that in Batavia the Government is faced by an opposition which owes its existence to appointments by itself.

V

A natural concomitant of the development of the Volksraad has been a marked strengthening of Dutch-Indian political parties. Although these Although these groups as yet possess only a rudimentary organization and a restricted membership, they are beginning to perform some of the functions which necessarily fall to parties in the government of large democratic states. That is, they assist in the creation and expression of public opinion, share in the selection of officials, and help to enforce the responsibility of those officials to their constituents. Several of them send speakers all over Java and to some of the 'external possessions,' besides being instrumental in the publication of widely circulated accounts and criticisms of the proceedings of the Volksraad.

In one group of these parties are to be found extensions, or imitations, of the established parties of Holland, as the Christian-Ethical, the Liberal, the Politico-Economic, the Roman Catholic, the Social-Democratic and the Communist parties. Membership in these groups is largely European with a fringe of Native adherents. A survey of the official declarations of these organizations reveals a substantial agreement that the Indies should eventually become autonomous, that the powers of the colonial legislature should be increased and that its members should be directly elected, that the natives should be educated and prepared for self-government, and that liberal economic and social legislation should be enacted. The extent of these reforms and the rapidity with which it is proposed to accomplish them increase as one proceeds from the Christian-Ethical party on the right to the Social-Democrats on the left. Most of the declarations are marked

by the inclusiveness and generosity which is characteristic of the platforms of parties possessing neither power nor responsibility in government.

Of more recent origin than the Dutch groups, and of far greater potential importance, are the growing Native parties. Of these organizations the Javanese Nationalist Party (Boedi Oetomo) and the Mohammedan party (Sarekat Islam) are of greatest interest. The former is the organ of the upperclass Javanese, of the aristocracy. It is nationalistic but not democratic. It demands increased Native participation in the administration of the state, some extension of the suffrage, parliamentary government, equality before the law for all Dutch subjects of whatever color or race, and educational opportunities for all 'in conformity with natural condition and future profession.' This group is distinctly the Native party of the right.

On the left is Sarekat Islam. Based upon religion, nationalism, and democracy, colored by socialism and led by a Javanese of vivid and virile personality, this party possesses all of the qualifications for dynamic nationalist leadership. Its most recent declaration of principles begins with a vigorous protest against Dutch domination of the Indies. This domination is stated to have grown out of Europe's need of the Orient's rich products, to have been attained by Europe's command of modern means of production, and to rest upon a system of racial discrimination. The introduction of European capital and methods into the islands is said to have destroyed the old native economic organization and to have 'put an end to free tradesmen and farmers who can live by their hands .. so that almost the entire island-population now consists of hired laborers who earn enough to exist, but not enough to live in a way fit for