want a second chance. Then Jonah, jest back from the blackness down there at the bottom o' the sea, jest back from cryin' an' prayin', Jonah grabs off his second chance jest like I want to do an' jest like yo'-all want to do an' Jonah beats it, hot foot, fo' Nineveh. An' he parades up an' down Main Street shoutin' to them foreign sinners that they is on their last laigs, an' that in fo'ty days they'll be plum destroyed.

'Jonah had done his job this time an' done it good an' plenty, but he did n't reckon nobody would pay no attention, an' he had a sneakin' idea he 'd like to see the grand finish when the fo'ty days was up accordin' to his prophesyin'; an' he kep a-thinkin', "What 's the use o' bein' a phophet if nothin' happens when yo'-all prophesy?" Fire an' brimstone in forty days accordin' to schedule was his way o' thinkin'.

'But the Nineveh folks surprised Jonah by listenin' to him an' quit bein' rotten. They covered themselves with potato sackin' an' ashes accordin' to their idea o' repentin' an' wantin' to do better. Yo' see they wanted a second chance jest like Jonah did when he was down an' out. They was like Jonah, an' me, an' yo'-all.

'An' Jehovah give them a second chance jest as he did to Jonah. Did that make Jonah glad? No, he got peevish. It spoiled him as a prophet. He had told them the finish was set fo' fo'ty days, an' now accordin' to the new ruling it was all off.

'Jonah turned on Jehovah an' said, "I told yo' so. I knew yo'-all would n't do nothin' to them Nineveh folks. Here I've prophesied destruction in fo'ty days an' now there's nothin' doin'. I'm through. I wish I was dead."

'Just the same he went outside the city to a safe distance, in case there might be fireworks, an' made him a comfortable seat. He figured he'd watch an' see if somethin' would n't

happen to the city after all, an' prove to the people he was a regular prophet. Jonah was so darn human.

'But Jehovah was n't through with Jonah. He made a plant with big leaves sprout up an' grow mighty fast so that next day, which was a hot one, it shaded Jonah. And Jonah liked it.

'Now I ain't argufyin' about a plant growin' that fast. I admit it was right quick maturin'. That ain't it. The plant growin' all out o' proportion ain't neither here nor there. It's Jonah that I believe in; not the big fish and not the fast growin' plant-only Jonah. But Jehovah ain't through with Jonah yet. A cut-worm got busy, so that next day the plant that made a comfortable shade fo' Jonah wilted right down in the hot sun flat as a flannel cake. Then Jonah got peeved again, an' did the baby-act an' said he wanted to die same as befo'. Brave one minute, childish the next, an' allus thinkin' too much o' what the Nineveh folks might think.

"Then Jehovah asks Jonah has he any honest-to-god excuse fo' bein' peeved. An' Jonah let on he had; an' then Jehovah said, "Yo'-all can make a great fuss about that weed that grew up in the night without yo' doin' a hand's turn to make it grow — jest a weed, that's all; an' yo'-all can get mighty peeved about it dyin'. How about me an' all them people in Nineveh - all so poor an' ignorant? How about all them, Jonah?"

'I reckon Jehovah was right, givin' Jonah a second chance; an' I reckon he was right givin' them Nineveh cusses a second chance; an' I hope he gives me a second chance. An' as fer Jonah, I believe in him, pesky mean as he was, because he's so darn human. Now friends, do yo'-all believe in Jonah?'

'Sure, sure,' came from the crowd. The southern farmer who looked like Uncle Sam turned to find his soap-box orator but he was not there.

It is difficult to follow the expansion of America in the Caribbean without feeling that it will go farther. Utter recklessness and incompetency have characterized the management of every one of these pseudostates which the preoccupations of the real nations have temporarily abandoned to independence. It was a matter of chance which one of the dancers should first pay the piper, but all have danced and all must pay. To the independence party Central America is its own little world. To the imperialistic party it is but a pawn on the mighty chessboard of world empire. The United States plays the vaster game, must play it and play it well, for the stake is its existence. We have learned subtler ways of winning, more varied ways of ruling. Never was our frontier more alive than it is to-day. Not one American in a hundred realizes that we have a protectorate over Haiti and that our control is creeping out through all these southern seas. If he knew, his only reaction would probably be a slightly increased complacency. The door is thus opened wide for a government, embarrassed by the mischievous irresponsibility of these petty make-believe states, to take refuge in an ever-broadening imperialism.-H. H. POWERS, in 'America among the Nations.'

THIS bold statement of North America's imperialism in the Caribbean may shock some readers, but the fact of its rapid development cannot be denied. It is the outstanding development in the international policy of the United States, as interpreted by its Government and its financial interests. After watching it rather closely for several

years, the author believes that it bodes more evil than any other tendency on the American continent to-day.

In these smaller countries of the

South, controlled by our soldiers, our bankers, and our oil kings, we are developing our Irelands, our Egypts, and our Indias. So far they are weak and we have been able to hide them from others. But at the rate the world is moving they can hardly be expected to remain always powerless and isolated. Our North American Christian civilization will find its final test in the way we treat our next-door neighbors. We are piling up hatreds, suspicions, records for exploitation and destruction of sovereignty in Latin America, such as have never failed in all history to react in war, suffering, and defeat of high moral and spiritual ideals. How can the United States expect to be the one exception to the rule?

Run your eyes rapidly down the map and note the countries where the United States is now in practical control. And remember that this control always brings resentment and enmity among the people, though their officials may approve it. Here is the list:

Cuba, where the United States has a navy base, with marines often found in the interior of the country, with the threat of intervention always held over the Cuban Government, which can make no loan nor dispose of any territory without the consent of the United States, whose representative at

Havana largely controls the political and financial policies of a land whose economic life is determined by absentee landlords and bankers living in the United States.

Haiti, where two thousand United States marines direct and 'protect' the Haitian Government, elected under their supervision; where an American financial adviser exercises absolute control over finances, collecting customs and making loans which the United States Government guarantees, thus assuring its continued occupancy of Haiti, and where, moreover, the nation's constitution was rewritten to permit the acquisition of land by United States' companies.

Santo Domingo, where for the first time in the history of republics, one republic, without declaring war on another, landed an army, dismissed the president and congress, and for seven years ruled entirely, without even a semblance of national government, by military decrees enforced by a foreign military governor, backed by 2500 marines. Recent promises to retire the military governor are conditioned on the Dominicans' ratification of all the acts of the military government and agreement to allow the United States to continue to collect the customs and administer the finances of the country.

Panama, where, as President Roosevelt said, 'I took Panama,' since which time it has been under control of the United States, with an 'agreement' providing for the disbanding of the Panamanian army, the taking over at any time of further Panamanian territory considered necessary for protection of the Canal, and carrying out any other measures which might be covered under the general formula of 'maintaining the independence of the Republic of Panama.'

Nicaragua, where we have main

tained one hundred marines since 1912, keeping in control a government which according to the United States Admiral in charge is opposed by eighty per cent of the Nicaraguans, but which is favorable to American bankers, who, with the approval of the State Department, collect the customs and own the national bank and the railroad such a complete control that the country is known throughout Latin America by the name of the bankers who hold these privileges.

Honduras, where the American minister and two American corporations have long been the controlling powers, and where recently marines have been landed for 'protection of American life and property' — the same formula under which they have entered and remained in the other countries mentioned.

Here then are six republics where the United States' economic control is backed by military forces on the ground.

Next we come to the countries where where North American financial advisers directing the fiscal policy of the governments have not yet brought military forces, but following precedent in the above named republics, they may at any time bring those forces which are always handy on the battle cruisers that continuously patrol the Caribbean. These countries are as follows:

Salvador, where a loan at eight per cent per cent plus extra charges- has been recently made by New York bankers, which loan is guaranteed by seventy per cent of the customs receipts, collected by the bankers, with the agreement made by the Secretary of State of the United States that if any differences arise between Salvador and the bankers, he- the Secretary of State will refer the question to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of

the United States, whose word shall be final.

Colombia, where an American financial mission has just outlined a reorganization of the fiscal system of the republic, especially advising as to the expenditure of the $25,000,000 the United States is now paying to Colombia - officially because of the Panama Canal Zone, but, according to the explanation of Messrs. Lodge and Fall in arguing for the treaty which they had before so bitterly condemned, because we needed Colombia's friendship in order to favor American petroleum companies and secure other concessions.

Ecuador, where the government has recently engaged an American financial adviser, where an American president of the principal railroad owns most of the stock, and where American interests recently blocked an English loan.

Peru, where an American financial adviser directs the fiscal policies of the government, and a loan is pending by American bankers which would be guaranteed by the customs, collected by Americans.

Bolivia, where the hardest bargain of all has been driven, with a loan of $24,000,000 floated, which is guaranteed by the country's customs, by the stock in the government bank, by a government railroad, and finally by all the internal revenues of the country, which may be augmented at any time to suit the commission of the American bankers which commission now assumes complete control of Bolivia's finances including practically the power to dictate what Bolivia's tariffs and taxes shall be.

Here are five more countries where Americans have been called to direct the fiscal policy of the governments, making a total of eleven. But this is only official direction.

We must now retrace our steps on the map and look at the third class of countries. These are the ones dominated by North American capitalists, though not having Americans officially appointed to direct their fiscal programme.

They number three as follows:

Guatemala, where American bankers control the business, American money is the medium of circulation, and the United Fruit Company and other American financial interests have secured control of the railroads, which now become a part of the International Railways of Central America — the largest American-owned railway enterprise outside of the United States.

Costa Rica, where, after thirty years' peace, American oil and banana interests recently fomented a revolution against a reform government and at present largely control the economic life of the country and often act as brokers for the government.

Mexico, where Americans own one third of the $2,500,000,000 of the nation's wealth, with seventy-three per cent of the oil lands and much the largest part of the 54,874,557 acres of land owned by foreigners (an area equal to France, Spain, Portugal, and Switzerland), and where American financial representatives are the most important plenipotentiaries received by the Mexican Government.

II

To recapitulate: Out of the twenty Latin-American republics, eleven of them now have their financial policies directed by North Americans officially appointed. Six of these ten have the financial agents backed by American military forces on the ground. (This includes Cuba, which has no official financial adviser; but General Crowder has so acted during recent financial

readjustments.) Four of the remaining half of these Southern countries have their economic and fiscal life closely tied to the United States through large loans and concessions, giving special advantages to American capitalists.

This leaves the six countries of Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Venezuela as the only ones outside the circle of North American financial control. While Americans have recently made large loans or secured extensive concessions from these last-named countries they have, so far as the author knows, not yet acquired such a preponderant influence as to dictate their fiscal policies. But these six countries are trembling in their boots, wondering how long before the inevitable must arrive!

Along with this economic and military dominance goes a dominance in the internal affairs of Latin America. In the Caribbean countries especially, the word of the American Minister is the most important factor for any government to consider. It is impossible for anyone who has not come into close contacts with these countries to realize how completely their governments are held in the hollow of the hand of the State Department at Washington. In fact the government officials of these countries are so far accustomed to doing Washington's will that the State Department frequently finds it necessary to refuse to do things related to internal order that native officials, often indebted to their Big Brother for their position, request it to do. This creates a strong inconsistency in the policy of the State Department from time to time. What one official refused to do as interference with internal order, another will do, and even the same official will judge differently at different times. At one time we allow a revolution, at another

we forbid it. So it happens that, as with a fond parent, who at one time will insist on making all decisions for his son, at another will throw him entirely on his own resources, at one time will pay the forged check, at another will let him go to jail, so it is with these little countries - pawns on the international chessboard as Mr. Powers says who never know what is to happen to them. Usually the State Department seems hesitant about making suggestions to one of these smaller governments concerning improvement in a national educational programme, lest this be considered as interference in internal affairs. But it is always sure of the right to do anything that comes under the formula: 'protection of American lives and property.' Since American lives seldom are in danger, American property naturally gets first place. In fact it is only in countries where American property interests are paramount that this tutelage is employed.

III

This recent economic dominance in Latin America is directly connected with the recent resurgent policy of isolation from Europe. We stay out of Europe; we go into Latin America. The corollary - Europe must stay out of Latin America; Latin America must stay out of Europe. 'Business first.' 'Why take a mandate for Armenia,' asked one of our Senators, 'since there are no oil fields there?' The greatest oil deposits in the world are in Latin America, so we 'll take our mandates there, and we will write our own terms. To be sure that these terms are to our liking, we are recently giving the Monroe Doctrine a new application, isolating Europe from Latin America.

As President Lowell says: "Some Americans, while professing a faith in