got's Infirmary-fermon, the claufe of the noble Earl's will which relates to this benefaction; apprehending that, by the extenfive fale of your ufeful work, our great benefactor's generous regard for this place may be more univerfally known. Yours, &c. M. W.

Extract from the Will of George Henry Earl of Lichfield, Chancellor of the University of Oxford.

"And as for and concerning my leafehold houfe, wherein I now refide, in Hill-ftreet, I give and bequeath the fame, and goods and furniture which fhall be therein at the time of my deceafe (except my plate) to Henry Watkin Dafhwood, Efq. eldeft fon of Sir James Dashwood, of Norbrook, in the county of Oxford, Bart. and William Afhurft, of Lincoln's-Inn, in the county of Middlefex, Efq. (my executors hereafter named) upon the trufts hereafter mentioned, that is to fay, in truft to permit and fuffer my now wife, the Countess of Litchfield, to refide in and have the ufe of my faid house and the goods and furniture therein, for and during fo long a time as the fhall remain a widow and unmarried, with liberty to change or alter the fame, leaving other furniture of equal value in lieu thereof, and giving notice thereof to my executors hereafter named. And I do hereby direct my executors, with all convenient fpecd after my deccafe, to caufe an inventory of fuch goods and furniture to be taken and made, and that my faid wife do fign a receipt for the fame at the foot of fuch inventory. And from and after her deceafe or marriage (which ever fhall first happen), I do hereby will and direct my faid executors hereafter named, with all convenient fpeed, to fell and difpofe of the faid house, goods, and furniture, for as much money as can be reasonably got for the fame, and to pay the clear money arifing from fuch fale to the then Chancellor of the Univerfity of Oxford, the then Bishop of Oxford, and the then Prefident of St. John's College, upon the trufts hereafter mentioned. And I do hereby authorife, empower, and direct, the furvivor and furvivors of them, from time to time, to do all and every act and acts that may be neceffary for the more effectually vesting in and aligning to fuch truftce or truftees the faid trut moneys: Which faid moneys are fo given to them, as a fund for the foun

dation of a Profefforfhip in the faid University, for the reading of Clinical Lectures in Phyfic in the Hofpital ot Infirmary of the faid city of Oxford to the Students in Phyfic in the said Univerfity; fuch Profeffor to be chofen by the Members of Convocation. Provided nevertheless, that no perfon fhall be cligible thereto who fhall not have taken a Doctor's degree in Phyfic for five years at leaft before fuch his election. And I do hereby will and direct, that my faid truftees for the time being fhall, from time to time, place out and inveft the faid truft moneys in Government or Parliamentary fecuri ties, at intereft; and that they fhall and may, from time to time, change, vary, and alter fuch fecurities, as to them in their difcretion fhall feem meet. And that they fhall and do, from time to time, pay the intereft and produce thereof to the Profeffor for the time being, to be chofen as aforefaid. I do hereby direct, that my faid trustees, or any of them, fhall not be anfverable for any lofs or loffes that may happen of fuch truft moneys, or any part thereof, fo as the fame happen without their wilful default. verthelefs my will is, that fuch foundation fhall be fubject to fuch rules, orders, and directions, as fhall be at any time hereafter by me declared and directed by any codicil to this my will, or other writing by me figned for that purpofe; and for want of fuch direc-. tion, to be fubject to fuch rules, orders, and directions, as fhall at any time be made by my faid trustees in that behalf."

And

Ne

[The fale of the above-demifed house and furniture, after the death of the late Countefs Dowager of Litchfield, produced, clear of all expences and deductions, 42561. 8s. 2d. This fura was vefted in the Three per Cent. Confol. and purchased 7079l. 5s. 4d. stock; the intereft whereof amounts annually to 212l. 10s.

John Parfons, M. D. Profeffor of Anatomy, was in the year 1780 unani mously elected by the Convocation the firft Clinical Profeffor.]

ders, and employed the ingenuity of all his commentators. One fuppofes the lines alluded to were written during the first years of his reign, before he had learnt to defpife the instructions of his mafter Seneca, and while he yet retained at least the femblance of virtue. Another will have them to be mere poetical incenfe, the fervile adulation of a young courtier to a prince to whom he looked up for diftinction and prefer ment: While a third imagines the paffage to be a delicate and refined piece of irony. As to the firft of thefe opinions, it is very improbable that Lucan began the Pharfalia during the first five years of the Emperor's reign, that is, between the fixteenth and twenty-first of his own life; or, fuppofing him engaged in his poem at fo carly a period, he would furely, upon the unhappy alteration in Nero's conduct, have de ftroyed the panegyric which reflects fo undeferved an honour upon him. Nor can I affent to the fecond opinion, that a poet of principles fo noble, and a fpirit of liberty fo free, as Lucan, would ever ftoop to the unmanly arts of flat tery. The fuppofition that the paffage is ironical always appeared to me the most probable; but none of the anno tators that have fallen under my notice point out the particulars of Nero's life here fatirifed; all feem to understand the farcafm as general and unappropriated. If the immediate tendency of the different parts of the addrefs were difcovered, I flatter myself this laft opinion would at once be confirmed. Let us then take a view of the lines in question:

-Seu fceptra tenere, Seu Te flammigeros Phœbi confcendere

+Tuac genus humanum pofitis fibi confulat armis,

Ferrea belligeri compefcet limina Jani, Sed mihi jam nubem; nec fi te pectore vates Accipiam, Cirrhæa velim fecreta noventem Sollicitare Deum, Bacchumque avertere Nyfâ. I think I fee in this citation a ftriking allufion to three characteristic circumftances in the Emperor's history: his fondnefs of driving a chariot at the public races, and the Aattery of the other drivers in permitting him to outrun them, are plainly hinted at in the first fix lines quoted above. And to fupport this conjecture, it may be added, that the comparison between a chariotrace and the poetical journey of the fun is fo much in the way, that the latter is illuftrated in many of the Roman authors by metaphors borrowed from the former. The lines "Sed neque, &c." omitted in the citation, feem to be nothing more than the wantonnefs of a fervid fancy, unable to leave a thought once ftarted till run down. Or they may be supposed to refer to the Empe ror's travels into foreign countries for the fake of exhibiting his skill in the circus. See Suetonius's Life of Nero, chap. XXII. His averfion to the camp, and well-known cowardice, which he endeavoured to conceal under an affected love of peace, are marked out in the three firft lines of the fecond quotation above; and his vain defire of being thought to excel in poetry is delicately alluded to in the three laft. If the whole quotation be now read with a reference to these three failings in the Emperor's character, the poet will be found to have purfued his irony as far as was confiftent with his fafety from the tyrant's revenge, and will, I hope, be freed from all imputation of flattery. My veneration for that love of freedom which eminently appears throughout Lucan's poem has induced me to at tempt the defence and illustration of this undetermined passage. Yours, &c.

MR. URBAN,

H.

Cobbam, July 24.

orbem

Scil. Neronem.

This and the two next verfes are a manifeft imitation of the following from Virgil, Æn. 1. 295.

Afpera tum pofitis mitefcent fæcula bellis : -Dire ferro et compagibus arctis Claudentur bell portæ :

as the whole has been thought to be of Virgil's address to Augustus, Georg. I. 24—43.

ons worthy a place in your Magazine, they may probably attract the attention of fome of your readers more able to determine with certainty whether there are really two fpecies of the English oak.

Gerard is the first of our English naturalifts I have met with who fpeaks of two forts of oak natural to this kingdom; but his defcription is fo vague, no accurate idea can be obtained from him.

64

Evelyn fays, two kinds are most common with us, the "Quercus urbana, "which grows more upright, and be "ing clean and lighter, is fitteft for timber; and the Robur or Quercus fylvefiris, which is of a hard black grain, bearing a fmalt acorn, and "affecting to fpread in branches and "to put forth his roots more above "ground; this kind is alfo to be dif"tinguished by its fulnefs of leaves, "which tarnish, and, becoming yellow "at the fall, do commonly cloath it all "winter." Evelyn's Sylva, ift edit.

2.

Ray, in his Synopfis, divides the oak into two fpecies. 1. "Quercus lati"folia vulgaris longis pediculis. "Quercus latifolia mas quæ brevi pe"diculo eft. Folia huic obfcurius vi"ridia et minùs profunde finuata "quam vulgaris; unde circa Newbury "oppidum, the Bay Oak, Lauro "Quercus dicitur."

Miller follows Mr. Ray's divifion, but adds, that the fort whofe acorns grow on thort footftalks is leis frequent than the other.

libus.

Dr. Hunter, in his notes to Fvelyn's Sylva, defcribes the English oaks in this manner: 1. "Quercus Robur fo"liis deciduis oblongis fupernè latio"ribus; fimubus acutioribus, argulis, "obtufis, petiolatis; glandibus fethQuercus latifolia mas quæ "brevi pediculo cât. C. B. P. 419." and he adds, "this is the common Englifh Oak, which for fhip-building "far excells all kinds in the known "world; the leaves of this fort have pretty long footitalks, the acorns have none, but fet clofe to the "branches." 2.Quercus fœmina, "foliis deciduis oblongis obtufis "pinnato finuatis, petiolis breviffimis, pedunculis glandorum longillimis, Quercus cun longo pedunculo. "C. B. P." "This fort is not fo common here as the firft, but in the wilds of Kent and Suifex are feen many large trees of this kind; the timber of this fort is cficemed "better than the firft; and the trees "when growing have a better appearance. They have been generally fuppofed to be feminal varieties. I "was long of this opinion myself; but, having lately feen fome trees, with acorns on them, which were "raifed from acorns of the fecond ort and finding they retain their fence, I am inclined to believe they are different,"

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66

46

66

Lightfoot, in his Flora Scotica, mentions only one fpecies: "Quercus fo

liis deciduis oblongis fupernè lati"oribus finubus acutioribus angulis "obtufis." Sp. Pl. 141-4. But says, "there are two varities of this tree, "the firft has one or two acorns, fup"ported by long footftalks; the leaves "more deeply divided, and the wood "paler. The fecond has fix or feven

acorns in a cluster, fupported on a

very fhort footftalk, the leaves lefs "divided, of a firmer and more laurel"like texture, the tree itself more "humb'e, and the timber harder and "of a higher colour."

Hudjon, in his Flora Anglica, gives the fame defcription as Lightfoot from "Lin. Sp. Plant, 1414, with different "fynonyms, as Quercus longo pedi"culo. B. Pin. 420. Quercus latifo"lia mas brevi pediculo. B. Pin. 419.” Linnæus only mentions the Quercus robur longo pediculo.

From thefe authorities it remains a doubt; Whether the Botanist fhould, with propriety, divide the English Oak into two fpecies. Dr. Hunter, I fhould conceive, is mifinformed with refpect to the oak with fhort footstalks being moft common. I have one in my paddock, but cannot find another there or any where in the neighbourhood, nor have I been able to hear of another. This is a vigorous branching pollard, I fhould fuppofe, at least 200 years old; it bears fome acorns every year, but not many; and I have not been able to obtain any race from it; nor do I perceive that they fall under the tree. They grow by pairs, or at most by threes, on very thort footftalks fcarcely three quarters of an inch long; many are quite feffile; they are fmaller than the other fort, and the leaves grow on longer footftalks, but there is no confiderable difference in the shape or make of them from the other fort, nor in the general habit of the tree; its leaves change their colour to yellow, when oaks in general lofe their leaves, and they fall, when the buds fwell in the fpring; but this is the cafe alfo with other oaks in my fields and neighbourhood.

If this oak is as it is defcribed to be by thofe English naturalifts I have mentioned, its qualities certainly render it more proper for many ufes in our navy than the oak which Evelyn calls Quercus urbana; or that with acorns on long footftalks; and it is proper the

fpc

'N turning over fome old MSS. I thought the following extracts might afford entertainment to many of your readers, though they might be known

paper

THE infcription upon the pyramid of C. Ceftius (in March, p. 192) being imperfect, I hope the following corrections of it will be acceptable.

The learned and worthy Mr. Flectwood (afterwards Bishop of St. Asaph and Ely) in his very valuable book, p. 80, gives it thus:

Infeript. Antiq. Sylloge.

C. Ceftius. L. F. Pob. Epulo. P. R. T. / R. P. L.

VII. Vir. Epulonum.

Litera funt bipedales.

ribus)

S. AYSCOUGH. King Athelftan's Grant of Freedom to Beverley.

"Als free make I thee

As hat can thinke, or eigh may fee." King Henry II. ordered all bridges to be repaired, and marks to be fet up where rivers might be paffed without danger, not for the fafety of travellers, but for the convenience of falconry.

Thomas de Dagworth had 25,000 florens de Scuto granted him by King Edward II. for taking Charles de Blois who called himself Duke of Britanny; and Kolkenius de Louvain had 3250 marks granted for his aflistance in the fame.

Corona magna Regis aurea invadiata eft Archiep' Treverrs pro 25,000 florenorum Florentie, et corona Philippe Regina Angliæ invadiata eft pro 4256 florent' de Scuto, &c. a 14 E. III. 140 millia florent' de Florentia extendunt ad 21,000l. fterlingorum. De corona predicta redimend. 18 E. III. .

In the time of King Edward III. a relief was granted to the prifoners in the Fleet, and called God's pennies, to be paid by the purchafers of wool.

King Henry IV. granted 6d. per day to Mathew Flynt, tooth-drawer, on 'condition that he should draw the teeth of the poor in London without fee or

reward.

25 Hen. VI. a grant was paffed for a foundation near Braynford for a fraternity called of Nine Orders of Holy Angels.

Officium Magiftri Mutarum et Fals conum Regis, cum quadam mantone juxta Charing-Crofs voc' le Merhoufe cone Ricardo Comiti Sarm, cum vadits pertin' et exprefl'. An: H. VI.

Opus. Abfolutum. ex. Testamento. diebus. CCCXXX. Arbitratu.

Ponti. P. F. Cla. Melae. Heredis. et Pothi. L.

Nota. Aliter legunt Romæ fubterraneæ Editores. "C. Ceftius. J. F. Pob. Epulo. P. V. Pl. VII. Epulonum. O)pus, &c arbitratu Pompeii. P. F. Clomela Hæredit. & P. Oft. Lo." Eandem autem cum Grutero lectionem exhibet Alex, Donatus, S. J. nifi quod Cla. & Mele conjungit, datque Clamelæ, & Ponthi pro Pothi. Pyramis fepulchra. Is Ceftii ex ingentibus faxis, candidiset quadratis extructa fubfiftit, quæ demum intra urbis mania, à Belifario inclufa

4

erat.

Epulones Sacerdotes erant qui Epulas indicendi Jovi ceterifque diis habebant poteftatem, quique Epulis, Ludis, ac facrificiis epularibus præfecti erant, numero olim tres. poftea feptem, è quibus unus crat Ceftius."

Roma Vetus et Nova, 1624, pl... has a fine view of it, the infcription a front, the laft line thus, "Pont. P. F. Cla. Mel Hæredis et Pont. L."

Nota.-Erat auteur hic Ceftius extribu Publicia filius L. Publicii. Epulo, -Prætor, Trib. Pleb. et unus ex magiftratu feptem Epulonum.

Mr. Du Bourg, when he firft exhibited his cork models, gave me the infcription thus, the la fine

Ponti. P. F. Clamehe. Herodis. et Pon-
thi. L.
Inftauratum, An. Dom. MDCLIII.
Yours, &c.
P. W

fpreads the court, and covers all the tranfactions of the Imperial palace with impene trable darkness. Nothing has yet paffed to the public, but a vagrant, and confused report of fomething defigned, and fomething difcovered. Nothing is pretended to be certainly known, but that in the night of the 4th of October, the Countefs Czernikoff and the Countess Dolgorucki were each feized at midnight in their own apartments, and carried prifoners to different fortreffes, where none are permitted to know their fate. On the next morning, feveral of the ladies attending on the perfon of the Emprefs were ordered to retire from the court, and confine themselves either at their own houfes in diftant parts of the empire, or in different towns named by her Imperial Majefty. Such a fudden revolution in the fortune of many principal families has given rife to very different conje&ures and reports. Some hold that a very dangerous correfpondence has been intercepted between the Countefs Dolgorucki and the King of Pruffia, while others no less confidently affert, that it happened between her and Prince Heraclius, Some whisper that the Swedes had formed a defign to feize the Emprefs, and enforce the reftitution of Livonia and Finland. However this be, the guards have been changed, and the regiments which for fome time paft have done duty at the palace, are defined to garrifon the forts on the frontiers of China. Some declare openly, that the Countefs Czernikoff, having received the knout, has confelfed that he has been privy to propofitions for depofing the Emprefs. O.hers add ftilia blacker crime, that the had treated for a reward to poifon her. But fince whatever the Counters has confeffed or denied was faid to particular commiflioners, with every precaution of fecrecy, it is apparent that these reports can be confidered as nothing more than fuch gueffes as curiofity and ignorance, will always produce. But as no man knows the crime of thofe who are now in cuftody, fo no man knows what may in a few days be charged upon himself; and a general dejection and difmay is vifible through all the attendants on the court. The affection of the people for their Imperial Mitrefs is pourtrayed in the univerfal folicitude that clouds every face where the report of her danger has been heard. It is hoped, however, by those who judge most coolly, that the utmot crime of the ladies has been only the difcovery of fome fecrets of State, and that none of them have been fo flagitiously corrupt as to attempt the facred perfon of their fovereign."

VI. "Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in the Rufhan Camp, dated Sept. 4.

“There had been, for fome days, in the Roffian camp, a degree of attention and vigilance which, with all the exactness of their difcipline, had hot hitherto been practifed. Officers of a higher rank than thofe com

monly employed on fuch occafions infpected, with the utmoft nicety, the arms of the pri vate men. New flints were fitted to the mufquets, and a quantity of thot and powder, greater than ufual, was diftributed among the foldiers. What was intended by this anxious preparation, the laws of military fubordination permitted no man to enquire. It was known only by the event. On Friday, Aug. 31, in the afternoon, flying fquadrons were put in motion between the two camps, and all poffible precautions were used to hinder the enemy from difcovering what might be defigned. Different bodies of foot were formed; and even they could only guefs, the intention of their leaders, by obferving that the horse feemed to be unemployed. Towards evening notice was fpread through the whole army that they were that night to ftorm the Turkish camp. Every man's heart beat with expectation, and the whole talk was of conqueft and plunder. The night appeared long in coming, but it came at laft. All the petty officers and the right hand man of every rank had torches in their hands, which they were to light at a certain fignal. When it grew dark enough not to be feen by the enemy, with light yet remaining to know the way, they left the camp, under the guard of their horfe, and marched forward without found of drum, or any other noife than a confufion of voices encouraging one-another. They reached the advanced guard of the Turks unperceived, and feized or flew moft of them with very little tumult. But in war nothing happens exactly as it is wifhed. A few of them efcaped, and neceffarily fome notice was given in the Turkish camp of the approach of enemies. The Ruffians, being now upon hoftile ground, lighted all their torches, and the progrefs of the army was like the motion of a mighty meteor. They came forward with the celerity of men who knew that their fuccefs depended on the fuddennefs of their irruption. There is always in foldiers a certain wantonnefs of mischief. When they found themfelves among the tents, they could not forbear to fire them with their torches. As they attacked in different quar ters, what was done in one place was confidered as a fignal by the rest, and on a fudden the whole air was filled with flames, fparks, and fmoke. The party directed to the Sultan's quarter fet fire to the Haram, in which the diflrefs is not eafy to be defcribed or conceived. The women, terrified at once by the fhouts of the foldiers, and the fhrieks of one another, feeing on this part the glitter of arms, and on that the blaze of conflagration, fome fainted, and were probably trampled to death, fome ran for shelter into the ranks of the enemy, and yet a greater number fat fill in filent defpondency, making no choice in the variety of danger. The Imperial tent was foon furrounded with a burning circle, which threatened, every moment, to

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