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CHAPTER XVIII.

OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.

CHAP.
XVIII.

1622.

THE good ship called the FORTUNE, which, in the month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) brought us a new supply of thirty-five persons, was not long departed our coast, cre the great people of Nanohigganset,' which are reported to be many thousands strong, began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer; insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than before our supply came. But

The Narragansetts were a numerous and powerful tribe that occupied nearly the whole of the present territory of the State of Rhode Island, including the islands in Narragansett Bay. They had escaped the pestilence which had depopulated other parts of New England, and their population at this time was estimated at thirty thousand, of whom five thousand were warriors. Roger Williams says they were so populous that a

traveller would meet with a dozen Indian towns in twenty miles. They were a martial and formidable race, and were frequently at war with the Pokanokets on the east, the Pequots on the west, and the Massachusetts on the north. See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 123; Potter's Early History of Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 457.

A MESSENGER FROM CANONICUS.

281

XVIII.

Jan.

though none of them were present, yet understanding CHAP. by others that they neither brought arms, nor other provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occa-1622. sioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus, their chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custody of Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, at

"Since the death of so many Indians, they thought to lord it over the rest, conceive we are a bar in their way, and see Massasoit already take shelter under our wings." Bradford's Hist. quoted by Prince, p. 200. See pages 217 and 219, previous.

Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, though hostile to the Plymouth colonists, probably on account of their league with his enemy, Massasoit, show ed himself friendly to the first settlers of Rhode Island, who planted themselves within his territory. Roger Williams says that "when the hearts of my countrymen and friends failed me, the Most High stirred up the barbarous heart of Connonicus to love me as his son to the last gasp. Were it not for the favor that God gave me with him, none of these parts, no, not Rhode Island had been purchased

or obtained; for I never gat any
thing of Connonicus but by gift."
In 1636 the Massachusetts Colony
sent to him "a solemn embas-
sage," who "observed in the sa-
chem much state, great command
over his men, and marvellous wis-
dom in his answers." Edward
Johnson, who probably accompa-
nied the ambassadors, has given in
his "Wonderworking Providence,"
b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account of
their reception and entertainment.
He says that "Canonicus was very
discreet in his answers.' He died
June 4th, 1647, according to Win-
throp, a very old man.” See his
Life in Thatcher's Indian Biogra-
phy, i. 177-209, and in Drake's
Book of the Indians, b. ii. 54-57.
See also Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 215.
229, xiv. 42-44, xvii. 75, 76; Sav-
age's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 308.

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See pages 211, 214, 219.

282

XVIII.

THE MESSENGER INTERROGATED.

CHAP. his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity with the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could 1622. learn any thing from him; whose answer was sparingly to this effect, that he could not certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us.

Jan.

That night Captain Standish gave me and another1 charge of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom. At first fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing; but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return persuaded him rather to war; and to the end he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] were sent him by our Governor, scorning the meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, and also of the greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and his Assistant and Captain Standish, who, after consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger; and it being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent

'Probably Stephen Hopkins.

2

Isaac Allerton. See note on

See note on page 126, and pages page 195, and page 201.

181, 185, and 202.

HE BRINGS A DEFIANCE FROM CANONICUS.

283

XVIII.

Jan.

hands on any such, set him at liberty; the Governor CHAP. giving him order to certify his master that he had heard of his large and many threatenings, at which he 1622. was much offended; daring him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled to live peaceably, as other his neighbours; manifesting withal (as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if he could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be offered him; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in such extremity.

After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were delivered, and the manner of the messenger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake's skin in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge.' Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or

"There is a remarkable coincidence in the form of this challenge with that of the challenge given by the Scythian prince to Darius. Five arrows made a part of the present sent by his herald to the Persian king. The manner

of declaring war by the Aracaunian
Indians of South America, was by
sending from town to town an ar-
row clenched in a dead man's
hand." Holmes, Annals, i. 177.
See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4;
and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 69.

284

XVIII.

THE TOWN IMPALED.

CHAP. unlooked for. This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no small terror to 1622. this savage king; insomuch as he would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another took it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole back again.

Feb.

In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated; making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three whereof are gates,' and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of each; and, at a general muster or training, appointed each his place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which they brought their new commanders to

'Bradford adds, "Which are locked every night; a watch and ward kept in the day." Prince, p. 200.

2 This was the first general muster in New England, and the embryo of our present militia sys

tem.

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