THE PENINSULA AGAIN.

THE great barometer of foreign politics has taken a suddenly downward course, and we have once more a specimen of those panics, which every post from the south of Europe used to bring us. We imagined ourselves free from a renewal of these fears and fluctuations; but that politician who is at once the most restless and the most artful now in Europe, has again conjured up a storm. It has not burst, indeed; but the clouds are rising, and the air has become charged with electric matter. The public remain still unconcerned. It is most unwilling to believe that any act of a French king, with a people to quiet, and a throne to consolidate, would in his last days be ventured, which might bequeath civil war and universal jealousy to his offspring. The more sensitive portion of the public, however, whose fortune rests on the surety of peace, has taken the alarm; and the Spanish marriages, celebrated in Madrid by the combat of bulls and bravos in the Royal Placa of Madrid, is now to be celebrated in a more costly shape by the struggles of bulls and bears in our Stock Exchange.

Thence proceeds the panic which startles our exchange. The old situation of the French and English governments recurs again; the one in possession of Spain, and anxious to bring Portugal into harmony with its despotic rule; the other determined, as in the days of Mr. Canning, to defend Portuguese independence, even by British bayonets, if necessary. All this begets alarm. That it may give rise to nothing more serious is to be hoped. Count Bresson must be told, that, however uncontrolledly he may dispose of Spain and its royal family, he must leave Portugal to its own influence. And the British government, who compelled Espartero to abandon his warlike thoughts against Portugal, in order to open the Douro, cannot fail to be equally peremptory and successful with the governments of Isturitz and Gonzales Bravo.-Examiner, Oct. 31.

PALMERSTON AND GUIZOT ON THE SPANISH

MARRIAGE QUESTION.

THE Revue des Deux Mondes publishes what purports to be an authentic account of the correspondence between Lord Palmerston and M. Guizot; and if it is so, we know for the first time what are precisely the positions taken up by the two diplomatists. Lord Palmerston, standing on the treaty of Utrecht, insists that the marriage is a violation of that treaty; and demands that a renunciation should be made, for the children of the Duc de Montpensier and the Infanta Luisa, of the right to succeed to the Spanish throne. This claim appears to us to be offensive and absurd. If Lord Palmerston avowedly adhered to the letter of the treaty, perhaps he might claim to disqualify the issue of the marriage altogether; but if he hesitated to adopt so extravagant a course, he might at least have left the parties concerned to make their election as to which succession they would abide by; or the decision might have been left to proximity, which would have pointed to the renunciation of the French throne.

It is impossible, in fact, to touch Spain without at the same time shaking Portugal-impossible to take the moral and administrative tutorship of one, without finding the health and the existence of the other Siamese twin of the Peninsula affected by it. Whoever doctors one must doctor the other. Napoleon felt the necessity, and under that necessity he sank; for could he have limited his efforts to Spain, they might have been crowned with a different result. Louis Philippe too felt the necessity, although he took a different mode of meeting it. Instead of sending armies towards the mouth of the Tagus, like Napoleon-the king of the French, when entering upon the moral and matrimonial conquest of Spain, sent an able emissary with full credentials to master and to guide the court of Lisbon. His majesty represents himself as the natural guardian of all the Coburgs, as of all the Bourbons, and as the only political doctor for crazy thrones. M. Guizot insists that the marriage is no violaThe English are too liberal in their ideas, absurdly tion of the treaty; and quotes some precedents of recommending that constitutions should be re-intermarriages between the Spanish and the French spected, and "charters be a truth." Louis branches, which are interesting, and appear to be Philippe, therefore, has undertaken, through M. cogent. He maintains that the issue of the marDietz, to save the throne of Portugal, as well as riage would not be disqualified; because the clause that of Spain. And the result, we have much securing the Spanish throne to the descendants of fear, will be fatal first to the popularity, then to Philip the Fifth cannot be invalidated by the operthe thrones, of both queens. ation of another clause-the renunciation of the Duke of Orleans. This argument seems to us to be quite untenable. The children would be the successors of the Duke of Orleans, for whom he absolutely renounced the throne of Spain. They could, without hindrance, succeed to the throne of France as members of the Orleans branch; and if the Spanish succession is secured to them by another clause, then they might succeed to both thrones; a result which it was the very object of the treaty to prevent. The general qualification is overridden by the specific disqualification. The treaty secures the Spanish heritage to the successors of Philip, excepting such as come within the specific renunciations by Louis and the Duke of Orleans.

In Portugal this result is pretty manifest. There the queen has been spirited by French and Spanish councils to make what is called in the language of the Tuileries a counter-revolution, to dismiss ministers, some of whom at least had the full confidence of the liberals, and to call to office in their place the very men ejected by the people not a year since. The people have not seconded the court The queen's uncle declares against it. The towns rise; the municipal guards arm. And if Portugal could manage her own affairs without affecting her neighbors, these matters might be considered as complete.

move.

But this popular triumph, this defeat of the counter-revolution in Portugal, shakes the card- It may be quite true that this would be an unanhouse that the French have built up in Madrid. ticipated operation of the treaty; and it is certain The chief, indeed the sole support of the Bresson that such obsolete niceties would not be very revregime, consists of the young officers and military erently regarded by the Spanish and French party; these have but the one mode of counter-nations; who now have a voice in the matter, acting Portuguese liberalism, viz., by marching which they did not possess at the beginning of the against it, and employing an armed intervention. eighteenth century. Both peoples have already

acted in a way that shows their independence of | about most matters, the church especially, he seems mere dynastic treaties. Isabella occupies her throne to have no idea; and therefore I would not trust by favor and sufferance of the Spanish people. him for giving it all up to-morrow if the clamor Louis Philippe holds his sceptre by the declared were loud enough. will of the French people; who altered his title, withholding the territorial designation enjoyed by Louis the Fourteenth. These considerations leave M. Guizot's technical argument as unsupported as ever; but they touch the substantial merits of the case.

In short, Sir Robert Peel is pronounced by the Quarterly to be a 66 temporizing utilitarian," and the arch-traitor among his colleagues. He is evidently prepared to go beyond Lord John in the process of innovation; ready to advance such is the construction of the reviewer-even to the "general The French statesman says that he shall appeal confiscation of property" by "the new plausibility from the British minister to the British nation of direct graduated taxation," to repeal of the such an appeal would be effective exactly in pro- Union in Ireland, and "the total overthrow" of portion to the absurdity of Lord Palmerston's posi-"all our existing institutions," to 66 anarchy and tion. By the rules of common sense, it is quite as agony." 99 "Let us therefore endeavor to reconuntenable as M. Guizot's; it is indeed more fanciful struct, under happier auspices and with safer guides, and crotchety; and it labors under this disadvan- our Protestant protectionist majorities of 1841." tage, that it is an aggressive and mischief-making Treat leniently the hundred-and-twelve gentlemen position. It makes a demand that it would be silly who "permitted themselves to be involved in Sir to grant, awkward to retract, impossible to enforce, Robert Peel's abberration:" call them not " aposexcept by war; and the British nation will never go tates;" they may yet be reclaimed. to war for Lord Palmerston's right to regulate the Spanish succession.-Spectator, 24th Oct.

THE POOR OLD QUARTERLIES.

This, then, is the object of the paper-to rally the broken-up tory party; and in order to do that it is thought practicable to reconvert the "Peelites," estimated for the next parliament at the reduced number of "thirty." To facilitate such a result-to make it look at all feasible-perhaps also THE two octavo volumes that issue four times a to deter Sir Robert from supporting the present year are in the political press what the Duke of government against the tories-much pains are beNewcastle and the Marquis of Lansdowne are in stowed on an attempt to persuade himself that he parliament: every politician was familiar with them is politically ruined; that he ought to retire from even in his childhood, and begins to wonder at their public life; that he is, in short, quite shelved. remaining so long on the scene-especially when The reviewer is a sleeper awakened; he does not something escapes from them which reminds him see the march of events since he last mingled in the of their obsolescent condition. The veteran pe- living world of politics; he thinks all the change is riodicals have just put forth manifest signs of a special treachery on the part of one man, not the senility.

farce in which the hero is persuaded, against the evidence of his senses, that he has been dead and buried, and is a ghost. But then, that worthy person was not quite so wide awake as Sir Robert Peel. No farce writer has gone to the extent of reënthroning Queen Anne.

natural growth of time. This ignorance of what The Quarterly Review winds up its October num- is actually passing around brings him to a double ber with an article on the "Close of Sir Robert reductio ad absurdum, by which his paper is selfPeel's Administration"-a manifesto aiming at the refuted. He positively thinks that Sir Robert Peel restoration of the tory party. It attacks Sir Rob- is hors de combat, and that the tory party can once ert's "Free-trade scheme of revolutionary innova- more be evoked. He neglects to show what vocation:" tries to show statistically that it is doomed tion such a party would have--what it could do to failure at home and abroad; assails "the new practically with the concurrence of the people; and moral theory in Ireland," namely, "to force the without such practical vocation no party can exist people on dearer food ;" and expands into a direct in a state. The possibility of reviving the tory attack upon Sir Robert himself. The reviewer party under Lord Stanley is as morbid a dream as emphatically declares, even now, entire conviction the extinction of Sir Robert Peel. There is a of the purity of the statesman's motives, but deplores abberrations. The censor accepts for his oracle M. Capefigue, "a man of ability, who, though strangely ignorant, as most foreigners are, of the details of our social and political life, is still, as will be seen, a very keen observer, and sketches strong outlines with a curious felicity." The The Edinburgh Review furnishes a still more reviewer quotes a passage from M. Capefigue, flagrant case of sleeper awakened-or rather, of written before the session of 1845, describing Sir sleeper dreaming. It begins with a paper on Robert Peel as ceding under the pressure of the posals for examining the Irish Poor-law," based radical party to "that financial revolution which upon Mr. Poulett Scrope's letters to Lord John changes all the combinations of the government of Russell; to which, however, the reviewer scarcely England, and tends to destroy the British aristoc- replies. The article is a mere further appendix to racy." On that point, "M. Peel est un homme the reports by the poor-law commissioners of inquiry; parfaitement commode, puis que sa doctrine est it is composed with all the great ability that marked d'incessamment ceder lorsque l'opinion se pro- those documents, uttered with all the facile and unnonce:" and, "if the radicals persist," says the questioning self-confidence that distinguished the oracle cited," he will go on until he shall accom- heyday of Edinburgh political economy. It is as plish la réforme absolue, with annual parliaments, though, on being awakened from profoundest slumafter the fashion of Cobbett and Hunt." The re-bers after his toils, the writer incontinently began reviewer also quotes from Dr. Arnold; who to pour forth a few sheets more of the same staple, says

"Peel has an idea about currency, and a distinct impression about it; and therefore on that point I would trust him for not yielding to clamor. But

"Pro

without reference to subsequent events or the march of opinion beyond his station. Mr. Scrope is in truth but little noticed; his name often occurs, his writing is quoted; but it is merely as a provoca

tive to a further torrent of the old text of 1834. more lively sense of the past. News pours in, not Posterior years have passed in vain for the philos- by fits and starts, but regularly, day by day-mateopher; he belongs to the last generation, and can rials for opinion; and the process of maturing is only talk as they talked in his day. He stands by undelayed by easterly winds, storms at the Cape the old dogma of 1834-that "compulsory charity, "of Good Hope, or even long breaks in the interthat is, relief,"must be rendered less eligible than change of statesmanlike views between England, independence" for the laborer;" it must be made France, and Germany. The newspaper press has painful, and therefore is degrading." Many may received a proportionate improvement. Compare a still think so, but the doctrine begins to be greatly newspaper with a quarterly periodical of the last doubted; the reviewer talks as if it were still un- generation, and certain differences will be appaquestionable. He learns nothing from the last rent: compare them now, and you will probably decennium, but that in fact the poor-law of England find no difference in the tissue of the writing. As has not been rigidly carried out, and that therefore we have said, you have the quarterly day by day; its expenditure has gradually increased; effectual a little fresher in kind, too, than old toryism or anrepression and cheapness being the test by which cient whiggery.

he judges a poor-law. He speaks with fond regret If the Quarterly Reviews would survive, they of the system which has acted so well in Scot-must, we fear, cease to be quarterlies, and vouchsafe land!" The actual state of Ireland, those terrible their lucubrations by more rapid instalments. Even exigences which demand instant remedy, are pooh- the monthlies are felt to be stale almost as soon as poohed or passed silently by. The writer smiles published. Throughout England there is one resuperior, and calmly rebukes the impatience of peo-view that is more quoted than any_quarterly—and ple who, witnessing starvation, calls for food. His thesis is altogether negative; he suggests nothing to be done-throws out no trace of a suggestion for active measures; yet he does not show that there is in the present condition of Ireland any living principle that would enable the state of things to right itself. He is as indifferent to actual events, as much absorbed in abstract and partial calculations, as a Laputan.

that is the Parisian fortnightly Revue des Deux Mondes. The reason is, that with an equally high standard of literary power, it keeps even pace with the times-with events, and with the demands and march of opinion.-Spectator, 24th Oct.

TRUE DIPLOMACY.

Ir is surprising to find any English publicist take If they go on at this rate, the Quarterlies will his stand, as Lord Palmerston is reported to have soon discover that, in the province of politics, they done, upon the treaty of Utrecht; for it seems have really become obsolete. We suspect that impossible to take so false a position without overone cause of their intellectual retardation is to be looking the subsequent history of three countries found in the very fact of trimestrial publication. It parties to the compact-France, England, and has a tendency to beget two kinds of staleness. The Spain. Three main principles of the treaty no Morning Post justly lays claim to the substance of longer possess for those countries any vital existhe paper in the Quarterly Review; it is in fact the tence. First, the treaty-making authority has virthunder of the Post, all accumulated for one reëx-tually changed its source: international relations plosion at second-hand. You have had it all before, as occasion arose, hot and hot, in the Post, and do not require a repetition of these doses by wholesale -so many two-ounce draughts prescribed to be taken once a day, and then reädministered by the barrel. Able as the writers of the Post may be, interesting as it may be to peruse their lucubrations fresh from the pen one by one, we suspect few would spontaneously take up a file of the journal for the last two years, or even the last three months, and read it over again.

are no longer matters purely dynastic, but have become affairs of popular interest and control. Secondly, it is presumed by the treaty, that to dispose of the royal family is to dispose of the country; which was true while the country was accounted the property or " possession" of the family, but is no longer true of France or Spain, or of any country of Western Europe; the government goes with the country, not the country with the government. Thirdly, the treaty proceeds upon the understanding that the succession to the throne is a The overt staleness of the poor-law paper in the thing to be settled by royal personages as an affair Edinburgh Review is ludicrously confessed. It entirely within the dictation of their class; but that was, we are told in a postscript at the end of the has ceased to be a substantial verity in the policy volume, "wholly written and printed early in Au- of Western Europe; and the three countries congust last; which is here mentioned to account for cerned in the Utrecht treaty are eminent examples its taking no notice of the subsequent proceedings of to the contrary. The object, therefore, which was Parliament respecting its subject." So, composed to establish "a balance of power" in the states of in the spirit of 1834, it was actually written months Europe, at a time when the monarch could say ago; and the editor has thought it no shame to be-"L'état-c'est moi," is no longer attainable by the tray the reader into wading through a paper that would have been stale even in his July number, but is quite out of date for October.

This will never do, in our days of railway speed. That speed may indeed be conducive to rash conclusions, but, rightly used, it is even still more available for just retrospection. The rapid course of the train gives you a more intelligible maplike view of your route as a whole; you see better the connexion between causes and results. If superficial and dull observers are not allowed so slow a contemplation of the present-if rash spirits are more indulged in rushing on to a collision with the future-quick penetration has the advantage of a

treaty; even if that balance of royal families were practicable, it would not serve any substantial purpose, for it would not be a balance of states; in none of the free countries of Western Europe is the state concentrated in the person of the monarch. Before the eighteenth century, indeed, the English people had twice deposed their sovereign, and had in the second instance diverted the succession from the direct line; but the case of England was then exceptional. It is no longer so. France has strictly followed England; having had a decapitation, a restoration, a second revolution, and an alienation of the crown to a junior branch. Louis Philippe professedly holds his crown by the will of the

French people; whose example may be said to | from the endeavors to coerce Brazil by bullying to have removed England from the list of exceptional a more generous policy is already in progress. cases. And the reform bill was a tangible assertion of the fact that the doctrine of popular government had been affirmed. It is difficult to make good queen Isabella's title to the crown under the pragmatic sanction; it rests upon two very different things-the ancient national usage of Spain, (which is not a Salic law,) and the sufferance of the living Spanish people. Transfer the sanction of the Spanish people to the Count of Montemolin, and he might enter Madrid to-morrow.

While this change proceeds on either shore of the Atlantic, what sort of progress is made with the northern powers, who still stand by old treaties and dynastic bargains? What stability even is secured? None. We make little progress in that quarter; none that is not immediately connected with the substantial interests of the several peoples. In that region, where the spirit of such treaties as that named from Utrecht still survives, the "balance of power" is a farce. Poland is eaten up; Austria totters; Prussia threatens to absorb Germany, first doubled up for the purpose into a Zollverein; Russia feeds its gigantic bulk by swallowing province after province. The balance of power is a farce in the north; because it is felt that the dynastic bargains and arrangements cannot be final or conclusive, and the real balance of power been evoked. The great check on royal aggression is popular power and intelligence. A people with moderately cultivated intelligence can soon be made to know that international injury is mutual. Besides, the very multiplicity of a great nation is an impediment to active aggression. The true balance of power is its equable diffusion throughout nations, which is a real thing; not arbitrary arrangements to bind and cramp royal holders of office.

This alteration of authority involves an alteration in the practice of diplomacy, such as we see at work. Formerly, diplomatists acted by means of threats or bribes addressed to princes. Genuine truth, substantial interests, could only be touched incidentally. The aim in a diplomatic bargain was to conceal the true object on either side; and we are told various tales about the address of diploma--the developed strength of the peoples-has not tists in overreaching each other-their power of insinuation, their command of face, their tact at concealing their own motives and penetrating those of their antagonists. Such tactics might succeed with royal persons, because individuals have definite objects to lose or gain apart from the material interests of nations, and they are amenable to personal interests. But it is different with peoples; with whom the substantial, genuine, material interests are the objects, the beacon and end of diplomacy. With the peoples we must now deal in all international relations-with them through their governments de facto. What that government shall be, we no longer arrogate the right to choose; we accept it as we find it. We can only interpose to modify it when by a direct (not a constructive) hostile attack on our own material interests, a foreign country provokes actual war and is conquered; or when the foreign nation invites us to aid it in reconstructing its machinery of government. An arrangement between obsolete and deposed dynasties can give us no right to initiate such interference.

It is alleged that Louis Philippe acts in an opposite sense that he has outwitted England, in order to attain his private ends; his affected concessions to English views being no more than a "bait." There is, perhaps, some truth in the complaint, though the evil is not to be remedied by a querulous style of lamentation. There is this distinction in the conduct of Louis Philippe and the British government, that the latter has acted upon public, the former upon private grounds. The French Ulysses has throughout his life manifested a curious aptitude in falling on his legs; he has contrived to seek personal objects, and yet to keep up appearIt follows from these altered premises, that diplo- ances and maintain his credit. His early precepmacy must have altered in its mode of effectual tress taught him an active and practical optimism. operation. It is no longer a bargaining between Whether it was as school-master in Geneva-as princes to dispose of nations for the benefit of their knight-errant sailing about the Mediterranean, and royal possessors; but it is a convention between the marrying, all for love, but most advantageously, into representative servants of a nation to make such ar- a throned family-as a volunteer in America-as a rangements of international intercourse as shall evolve royal gentleman of modest mien in France-or as the greatest mutual benefit for the several peoples. citizen king, he has always shown that he could It mus, therefore, deal with substantials, not pre- fully appreciate his actual position, and was pretences; it must, to succeed, not only arrange to pared to make the most of it. This repeated make the intercourse beneficial, and to make the success may have exaggerated his confidence in benefit mutual, but to make each nation fully arranging everything according to his own wishes, understand and confess that the arrangement is and have fostered his self-seeking. But he is mutually beneficial. That mutual intelligence is really a wise as well as a crafty man. He has not to be brought about by threats and bribes, but always made his occupation for the time being solely by the most open and friendly representa- business," and has always thoroughly understood tions. How is that office performed by flippant it. Since 1830, he has made kingship a business. notes," disguising impertinence and threats in a He has used it, incidentally, to advance his own style of polite circumlocution and obscure insin- family; but he does so in a truly business-like way. uation? The system has failed recently, and He obtains custom by the diligence and punctuality most signally, in France, Spain, Brazil, and the with which orders are executed. He may deal in United States. The bullying of 1840 nearly be- a little of the humbug or garnish of trading, but, trayed us into war; the attempt to force anti- take them all in all, his goods are the best in the slavery upon the Spanish colonies betrayed our gov- market. No king could have done better, on the ernment into technical blunders, and even into deny- whole, for French interests; or perhaps for English ing this very treaty, by which a stand is now interests. He has been a stopgap and bulwark of made; the bullying with the United States about limited monarchy; securing, by moderating, the the "right of search" proved untenable, while progress of liberal opinion in Western Europe. ingenuous friendliness settled the disputed north-He has been a standard of peace. Abolish him, or east boundary and the Oregon claims; and a change any fit representative whom he may bequeath his

66

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a

position, and England would have to cope alone, not beat him to harm him." Other witnesses at on either hand, with the reaction of legitimacy and the inquest threw further light on the case. the aggressive spirit of French aggrandizement. Elizabeth Holt, servant to Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Louis Philippe may pursue his private ends, but it said that they behaved very well to the oldest and is mostly through the public objects and larger the youngest child, but very badly to the one that interests of France. If we would discomfit him, it has died. They both flogged it. The father must be by showing that our objects are more generally flogged it with a rod, but the mother thoroughly for the republic, broader, and more with a rope. After flogging it, she put it in a dark ingenuously pursued. closet up stairs, sometimes for about an hour. The mother never washed or cleaned the child herself. The neighbors have been in when the mother was beating the child, and wanted to take the child from her. When the child was put in the cellar, it sat on the cold floor, and grazed its face on the coals; for it could not walk.

M. Guizot threatens that he will appeal from the British minister to the British people from the inferior to the higher authority, from the delegate to the delegater; a very fair appeal. In like manner, if we are really aggrieved by M. Guizot or Louis Philippe, our right of appeal lies, not to a musty parchment deed between the dispossessed dynasties of France and Spain, but from the king of the French to the French themselves. To enforce that appeal-to make our case irresistible -the object of our international claims should be reasonable, substantial, genuine, just, above board; really interesting to the peoples, not some technicality or point of form; intelligible, and actually understood by the peoples.

Now, what country has taken the lead in establishing this new order of things? what country insists that it will prove the most profitable to the nations, and is prepared to make good that promise in its own case?-England. On England, therefore, is it especially incumbent to cultivate the altered style of international representation suited to the altered condition of affairs, instead of wasting her energies and her influence in idle and perhaps mischievous references to the policy of old times and its obsolete documents.-Spectator, 31st October.

From the Spectator.

TRAINING TO MURDER.

Mrs. Crosby, a neighbor, said that she nad told the mother not to beat it so much.

Mrs. Royle, another neighbor, had been into the house, and talked to Mrs. Adams about beating the child. She had seen her with a cord in her hand, larger than the one produced. It had a knot in it; and she saw a mark on the child's neck, and a wound on the ear which bled; and the blood trickled down its neck. Mrs. Adams was a violent temper, and laid all the blame to the temper of the child. When the child was taken sick, its mother appeared very sorry, and said she would never beat a child again as long as she lived.

The mother, therefore, was not simply a fiend: we should much misconceive the case if we were to suppose that. But the child was troublesome and "fractious; ;" and Mrs. Adams herself was hasty in temper. With the violent passions, the slightest loosening to the rein of self-command is apt to beget a paroxysm of rage which propagates itself. Persons of cooler disposition or better discipline would perhaps be unable to comprehend the full force and literal truth of the expression that such passion runs away " with you. When once it has set in, the chances of recovering self-control are doubtful. How desirable is it then, to abolish from common custom all practices which tend to evoke those stormy passions.

MURDER is an article of domestic manufacture. Not merely are the worst and most revolting cases those of the domiciliary kind, not merely are the direct instigations to crime found in the abodes of But Mrs. Adams evidently thought that she was the ignorant and depraved, but the murderous dis- justified in using some "severity," as it is called; position is bred and nurtured in our homes. Some- the less ferocious father thought that there was no times you seem to discover it in a sort of abstract harm in keeping a rod for a baby; and even the form-the quintessence distilled and purified from humane neighbor who interposed only desired the all adulteration. Such seem the cases that have mother not to beat the child "so much." There is been rather common of late years, in which children no misgiving as to the moral lawfulness of flogging have died under parental ill-usage. One is reported a little child that could not walk; none of these by the Sheffield Times. Francis Adams, aged one year and seven months, was the son of a working optician. The infant had been put out to nurse twelve months ago, and had been taken home nine weeks back; about three months ago it seemed a hearty child; but since that time it had very little appetite, and had been always thirsty; on Monday week it had a fit, and died on Wednesday week. A surgical examination detected bruises on the body and head; under the bruises of the head was found blood; and further under, within the skull, the whole hemisphere of the brain was a mass of coagulated blood. A coroner's jury summed up the facts in this verdict

"That the child died from disease of the head; but whether those injuries were caused by accident or ill-treatment of the parents, does not appear; and it is the opinion of the jury that the conduct of the father and mother towards the deceased child had been barbarous and unfeeling."

The father said that the child had a bad temper; and he added, "We have a little rod; but I have

people seem to know that all such violent resorts are absolutely needless with young children; and that even with those who are older, personal chastisement is an admission of gross neglect at a time when childhood is tender and ductile. They do not know that the utmost strictness of discipline may be enforced on children, the most despotic influence over them acquired, without a single act of violence. The conditions to that moral control are patience, a diligence that omits no opportunity of correction, (taking each fault committed by the child less as an offence than as a symptom that an instant instalment of instruction is needed,) simplicity of requirement, unvarying consistency, and unceasing kindness. The last is the great talisman of power. But the other conditions are essential to a high class of training; and they are the product of a higher intellectual culture than was perhaps to be expected in the persons who were subjected to the inquiry. They regarded flogging as one of the ordinary and "normal" resources of education; the only restraint they recognized was one of degree, and they merely