courage to fupport all the outrages which I have experienced, and the shame and the humiliation of addreffing you. I law that the spirit of faction prevailed that fome were defirous of a civil war-that others wished for a Republic, and that in the aft party was M. la Favette. Clubs were established to deftroy the army, and the populace were no longer directed but by cahal and intrigue; the King being without forces, and even without importance-the army without Commanders and without fubordination. No means of re-eft blifhing order appearing, I propofed to the King to quit Paris, and to retire to the frontiers, perfuaded that it would produce a happy shinge. This propofal the King and Queen conftantly refufed, alledging the promise which they had made, not to feparate themselves from the National Affembly-I urged in anfwer, that a promise extorted by force was not binding. The tranfaction of the 28th of February induced me to renew my folicitations; but the King again reminded me of the Conftitution--the Queen agreed with him in opinion, and rejected all the propofals which I made to that purport. knew that all the powers in Europe were arming against France-It was in the power of the King to fave that beautiful kingdom. I knew that its towns were difmantled, its finances exh-uftel, and that its fictitious money could not fupply the fpecie that was wanting-hefides, I did not doubt but that the people would throw themfelves into the arms of their King, and entreat him to prevent the evils with which they were threatened. After the obstacles which were thrown in the way of his journey to St. Cloud on the 18th of April laft, I reprefented to him that there remained but this one step to be taken to fave France. He at length agreed to it, and refolve to go to Montmedi. He agreed, that as foon as he fhould be in fafety there, he would inform the Foreign Powers of it, that they might fufpend their vengeance till a new Alfembly should be formed. He then would have publifhed a proclamation to convoke this new Affembly, according to the ancient laws, which would have been the rule of his conduct. The King would have become the Mediator between Foreign Powers and his People; and they, placed between the fear of becoming a prey to Fo would have done; that is what he would have done in fpite of you; in fpite of the ingratitude of his ferocious people. He was actuated by no other motive. Your blindnefs induced you to refufe that protecting band which he extended towards you-it will foon be productive of the deftruction of the Empire of the French. Believe me, Gentlemen, the Princes of Europe, confider themselves threatened by the monfter whom you have cherished—your country will foom become the theatre of a moft bloody war. Your means of defence are inadequate-i is too late to think of adopting measures for defence. You will be justly and feverely punished-your chastisement will be an example for all nations, and you will long have caufe to repent the affaffination of your country. I ought to add, that I hold you, and the peop!· whom you have m'fled, in contempt, in indignation, and in horror!—Alt Europe is about to unite against your infernal Conftitation! I projected every thing, and have ordered every thing. Against me alone should be directed your fanguinary fury-for me fhould you tharpea your poignards, and drain your poifons! You fhall anfwer for the King, and the Royal Family—you shall aufwer for their lives, not to me alone, but to a'l the Potentates of Europe! If you hurt only one hair of their beads, there hall fhortly remain not one fione upon another in Paris!—I know the roadsI will lead against it foreign armies. This letter is but the forerunner of the Manifefo of the Sovereigns of Europe-they will give notice in a more decided manner of the war which you have to fear. Adieu. (Signed) LE MARQUIS DE BOUILLE. No. VII. LETTER to M. BOUILLE. I RECEIVED yesterday, Sir, a packet with the poft mark of Luxembourg, and fealed with your arms, containing a printed copy of your Letter to the National Affembly. I Atter myself that in tranfmitting this Letter to me, you with to indicate that I am perfonally interested in the infults which it contains, and I thank you accordingly. Perhaps you may recolle& a converfation which we had together at Metz, during the epoch of the Revolution. I was then at the head of the Patriotic Party, and you gn Powers, and a hope of the re-efta- were Commandant of that place. The cicibhment of order, would have entrusted zens diftrufted you; they were afraid left their inter fts to an enlightened Affembly, you should invite the King, and thofe cour. who would at length have repreffed those tiers whom the Revolution had condemned crines which have refulted from popolar to the punishment of equality, within their defpotifm. That is what your Monarch walls, You were at that time the canfe of a c.. a continual fermentation, but you were taught to know (how much have you fince forgot this useful leffon !) that your cannon were of no avail against the eternal batteries of Reafon, which, from the Printing-house at Lau douin, began to humble all the fupports of Tyranny and of Tyrants, and which, be affured, will continue to humble them, to whatever distance they may retreat, or within whatever citadel they may entrench themfelves. Penetrated with thefe truths, fo humiliating to you, you then waited on me, and afked me this question-" Do you think that the public welfare demands that 1 fhall give up my command? If you do fo, I am ready to give in my refignation."-" If the Fugitives," I replied, "intend to rally in this country; if the King intends to take refuge here; if Metz is destined to become the cradle of a Civil War, 1 wifh you were a thoufand leagues diftant. But on the contrary, if the King fhall adhere to the Constitution, if the Fugitives difperfed throughout the world are content to act the part of KeightsErrant, I fhall be very happy to fee in the chief garrifon of our frontiers a General like you, who has gained the attachment of the foldiery, and is capable of enforcing obedience at home and refpect abroad." Your reply to me was a memorable one, and I am able to recapitulate it exactly :"I give you my word of bonour to enforce the Decrees of the National Affembly with my utmoft power, whether I approve them or not; I aljo pledge you my sword of honour, never to involve my country in a civil war." Perhaps this converfation has been recollected by you fince your arrival at Luxembourg; you may have been afraid left one of the words of honour which you have betrayed fhould be forgotten, and you have undoubtedly addreffed your Letter to me, for fear that this claim to public infamy should lofe its just reward. If this is your motive, Sir, I doubly thank you for your correspondence. For fome time paft, Philofophy has laboured to dishonour Honour, and to elevate Virtue in its room. Louis XVI. and you have at one and the fame time rendered this fervice to the Nation, and have advanced the morals of mankind at leaft hali a century nearer perfection. In fine, I hope that public opinion and the laws will no longer confine themselves to feats of chivalry and words of bonour, as neceffary titles for public employments, but that they will alfo infift on proofs of Virtue and acts of Patriotism. (Signed) ROEDERER, Deputy to the National Affembly. No. VIII. DECLARATION OF TWO HUNDRED and NINETY DEPUTIES on the DECREES which SUSPEND the EXERCISE of the ROYAL AUTHORITY, and which IN FRINGE the INVIOLABILITY of the SACRED PERSON of the KING. THREE months have scarcely elapfed fince we Deputies under figned made known to our Conftituents cur Protest against a Decree which attacked the facred principle of the inviolability of the King's perfon. The zeal with which many of us defended it on the 28th of March, the conviction which we entertained that it was impoffibie to violate with impunity this principle effentil to all monarchy, are too well juftified by the events now paffing under our eyes, and by the afflicting fpectacle of which we have the misfortune to be witnelles. The King and Royal Family conducted as prisoners, by authority of the Decrres of the National Affembly; the Monarch guarded in his palace by foldiers not subject to his command; the Royal Family entrusted to guard, over whom the King has no authority; the right of directing the education of the prefumptive heir of the throne taken from him, who, both as King and Father, had the most undoubted right, and the ftrongest obligation to died it; in fine, the Monarch, whofe inviolability was declared even by the new conftitution, fuípended hy a decree from the exercife of his authority; such is the afflicting fpe&acle which we and all good Frenchmen lament, and fuch are the too obvious and too fatal confequences of the first violation offered to this facred and fundamental principle. And we ought to declare it, fince we are compelled to refer to the Decree itself against which we have protested, and againft which we still proteft, there is none of those meatures which was not before profcribed by the Conftitution, in the name of which they are taken. The facred perfon of the King was declared inviolable: one only cafe was provided for, in which, contrary to all the principles essential to Monarchy, it was fuppofed that that inviolability might cease, This cafe has not yet occurred; nevertheless the King is dragged as a criminal into his own capital, and made a prifoner in his own palace, and defpoiled of his prerogative. Thus, after having infringed the inviolability of the King by Decrees, they annul them in order completely to destroy it. Amidft there outrages offered to the Monarch, to his auguft family, and in their perfons to the whole nation, what has become become of the Monarchy? The decrees of the National Affembly have centered in themselves all the Royal power; the Seal of the State has been depofited on their table; their decrees are rendered executory without requiring fanction; they give direct orders to all the Agents of the Executive Power; they impofe, in their own name, oaths, in which Frenchmen do not even find the name of their King; Commissioners, who have received their miffion from them alone, traverse the provinces, in order to receive oaths which they exact, and give directions to the army: thus, at the moment at which the inviclability of the King was annulled, monarchy was deftroyed; the appearance of royalty no longer exifts; a republican interim has fucceeded. it is for the King's fake that we ought to rally our strength; it is for him, it is for his family, it is for the precious blood of the Bourbons, that we ought to remain at the poft, where we can watch over a depofit fo valuable. We will discharge then this facred duty, which alone ought to be our excufe, and we will prove, that in our hearts the Monarch and the monarchy can never be separated. But whilft we comply with this urgent duty, let not our constituents expect to hear us come forward upon any other fubject. While one intereft alone can force us to fit along with thofe who have raised a mishopen republic upon the ruins of monarchy, it is to that intereft alone that we are wholly devoted. From this moment the most profound filence, on whatever shall not relate to this fubject, shall exprefs our deep regret, and at the fame time our invariable oppofition to every Decree that may be passed. In fine, let our conftitu nts turn their attention to the circumstances in which we are placed; if, in the prefent moment, we have not gloried in marcoing foremost in the path of honour, our fituation now impofes, both with regard to them and to ourselves, duties which do not go beyond ourselves alone. For us, honour lies no longer in the common track; our fole object is the triumph of the facred caufe with which we are entrusted; but let them be beforehand affured, that whatever may happen, to whatever extremities we may be reduced, nothing will efface from our hearts the unalterable oath which irrevocably binds us to the Monarch and to monarchy. Far from all those who are acquainted with the rules of our conduct (and, we believe, there are very few Frenchmen who do not rightly appreciate them), be the idea that we could concur in fuch decrees. They are not lefs unpleasant to our feelings, than repugnant to our principles. Never have we more feverely felt the rigour of our duty, never have we more lamented the fatal confequences refulting from the miffion with which we were charged, than when forced to remain witnesses of acts, which we regarded as culpable attempts; while thofe who are most frequently our organ, became timid, for the first time condemned themselves to fience, that they might not involve the facred caufe in that unpopularity which had fo ingeniously been contrived to be thrown upon our party. Without doubt, if we were guided by common rules; if we yielded to the horror with which we are infpired by the idea of being thought to approve, by our presence, decrees, to which we were fo averie, we would fly without delay, we would without hesitation feparate from an Affembly, who have been able to break through principles which they had been forced to preferve. But-in circumftances fo fingular, we can neither affume common rules nor our own fentiments as the basis of our own conduct. When our principles, our honour, may perhaps, in the opinion of a great number, command us to fly, motives more imperious still exact of us a painful facrifice, that of remaining in a fituation where we preferve the hope of predations; venting greater evils. Before the calamitous epoch at which we are arrived, we could at leaft grafp the fhadow of monarchy; we fought upon the wreck; the hope of preferving it juftified our conduct. Now, the last blow has been given to monarchy. But, in addition to that great motive, we were bound by other duties. The Monarch exifts; he is captive; VOL. XX. After thefe confiderations, which appear to us founded upon the true intereft of the nation, and the eternal advantage of the people, effentially dependant on monarchy, we declare to all Frenchmen That after having conftantly oppofed all thofe Decrees, which in attacking royalty, either in its effence, or in its privileges, have prepared the people to receive without indignation, as without examination, the antimonarchical principles to which thefe days of anarchy have given birth; That after having defended till the laft moment, monarchy undermined in its foun That after having feen its ruin compleated by the deliberations of the National Affembly; for to attack the perfon of the Monarch, is to annul monarchy; to fufpend monarchy, is in fine to destroy it; Nothing can authorife us any longer to take part in deliberations, which become in our eyes guilty of a crime which we do not wish to participate; K But But that Monarchy exifting always in the perfon of the Monarch, from whom it is infeparable; that his misfortunes and thofe of his auguft family impofing upon us a Stronger obligation always to furround his auguft perfon, and defend it from the application of principles which we condemn; we place our fole honour, our most facred duty in defending, with all our m`ght-with all our zeal for the blood of the Bourbons -with all our attachment to the principles which our conftituents have tranfmitted to us, the interefts of the King and the Royal Family, and their indefeasible rights. CHATELET, depute du Barois, and 13 others. I adhere to the above Declaration, perfuaded that the intention of my colleagues is not to abdicate the right of voting, if, on the revifion of the Decrees, it should be propofed to re-establish in all its rights, the Catholic, Apoftolic, and Roman Religion, whofe interests are no less dear to me than thofe of the Monarchy. That in confequence we fhall continue, J. C. GANDOLPHE, depute de la prevor a from the fole motive of not abandoning the interefts of the perfon of the King and the Royal Family, to affift at the deliberations of the National Affembly; but being neither able to avow their principles, or recognize the legality of their Decrees, we will henceforth take no part in deliberations which have not for their object the only intereft which it now remains for us to defend. Paris, June 29, 1791. To the above are added the fignatures of Two Hundred and Ninety Members of the National Affembly, the first being that of the Abbe MAURY. Some of them infert additions or restrictions before their names, as is fometimes done to a proteft in the House of Lords, and all the Nobleffe infert their titles, as the reader will perceive from those we have fubjoined below. ALL TO GOD AND ALL TO THE KING, GOULLARD, cure de Roanne, depute du Forcz. I adhere, with my whole heart, to the principles on which the above Declaration is founded, and I will maintain them with my life, LE BERTHON, depute de la noblesse de Bour 1 referve the right of delivering my opinion I adhere to the principles of the Declaration, They have been, and always will be, the rule of my conduct, in the exercife of my functions in the National Affembly. HENRY, depute d'Orleans. 1 adopt all the above principles, of which I entertain a ftrong fenfe. Nevertheless, I think it my duty to continue to take part in the debates, in order to refift, with ail my power, every propofition derogatory to Vicomte de Paris. I adhere, with the above refervation. ANT. CH. GABRIEL DE FOLLEVILLE, and 9 I fign this Declaration to fhew, as my colleagues have done, my attachment to the Monarchy, my refpect for the Throne, and my attachment to the perfons of the King, the Queen, and their auguft family. But I declare, that I do not mean to renounce my right of quitting the Affembly when I fhall ceafe to think that my prefence can be useful. LE BARON DE LUPPE, depute de la Noble de la fenechauffe d' Auch. Invariably attached to the principles of Monarchy; perfuaded that the National Af fembly has no power to break the bond that has for ages united the Sovereign to the nation, and that the contrary doc. trine is fubverfive of all order, of all fubordination, and of all fociety; I declare that I will take no part in the deliberations and refolutions of the Affembly, till his Majefty, restored to liberty, and reinftated in the whole of his rights, fhall concur actively and freely in the Decrees of the Legislative Body, faving always whatever concerns the prerogative of the Throne, and the perfonal fafety of th Royal Family. THORET, docteur rigent de la facuite de med cine de Bourges, depute du Berry. The inviolability of the facred perfon of the King being the preferving principle of the Monarchy, and one of the most effential of the Conftitution decreed, I adhere to the principles of the Monarchy, and the inviolability of the King, fet forth in this Declaration. J. A. TEISSIER-MARGUERITTES, depute de Nifmes. I adhere to the Declaration of M. de Marguerittes. HENNET, depute du Nord, 1 oppofed, to the utmost of my power, and I adhere to the principles fet forth in this Declaration, as far as refpects the Monarchy and the inviolability of the facred perfon of the King, who cannot in any cafe be anfwerable to an Affembly, which has admitted, that it cannot centre all the powers of government in itself; and it is as a faithful fubject that I declare, not only that I have not co-operated in any of the Decrees which attack the prerogatives of the Throne, and the principles of the ancient Monarchy of France, but, on the contrary, that I have conftantly oppofed them, as many of my printed opi nions prove. (Le Comte) DE LA GALLISSONNIERE, depute de la Noblese d'Anjou. I the undersigned, confined to my apartment by indifpofition, declare, that I adhere to the Declaration subscribed by a great part of the Aff.mbly against the infringements of the late Decrees on the rights of the King, and the Monarchy, and the refpect and regard due to it. In teftimony of which I fubfcribe this Declaration. AGNIRE, ar de Saint Cyr-les-Vignes, depte du Forex. guided by these principles, till liberty and the juft prerogatives of the Throne shall be reftored to the Monarch. GRANGIER, depute du Berry, and 14 others By informing the Prefident of the National Affembly, as we have done, that we cease to take any part in its deliberations, or to attend its fittings, we have already made known that our principles are the fame with those which have dictated all the above Declarations. C. F. DE BONNAY, and 2 others. I concur with thofe of my colleagues, who, like myself, have been, and always will be faithful to the King; who would think themfelves criminal towards the nation, if they did not make known the horror with which the detention of his facred and inviolable perfon infpires them, and their grief at being able to oppofe nothing but an unavailing fuffrage to his captivity, and that of his auguft and unhappy family. We were affembled to reform ancient abuses, and to establish that Liberty protected by the Law, which is neither licentioufnels nor anarchy. Such are the principles which have guided all our opinions, and we declare, that having never affented to any Decrees that could attack the just prerogatives of the Throne, and thake the Monarchy, we fhall continue to vote against ail plans of Decrees that may tend to deprive the King of the plenitude of powers and liberty that belong to him according to the conftitutional articles on the Executive Power decreed on the 1ft October 1789, to which we shall conftantly appeal. LA BLACHE, depute du Dauphine, and 15 others. I AM informed that feveral Officers, gone into foreign countries, have, by circular letters, invited the foldiers of the regiments to which they belonged, to quit the kin dom to join them; and that as an We reduce our Declaration to the following inducement, they promife to advance them, terms: We have not participated in the Decrees by which the King has been fufpended from his functions. We confider them as unconftitutional, and not within the power of the National Affembly. We alfo confider all the acts of the Legislative Body, in which the King has not freely concurred, as null, Our conduct shall be K |