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CHAPTER IV.

THE PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS.

THE rapidity with which the great movement advanced, after Strafford's fall, was in proportion to the magnitude of the impediment removed. It was now easy for the triumphant party to sweep away all real abuses. As long as their measures spared the episcopal order, they were submissively adopted by the Lords, and assented to by the king without much hesitation. This, however, was the very point toward which the main force of the onset was directed.

Of the leaders, indeed, in both houses, several, who adopted the language of religion from policy, or the fashion of the time, would have been content to press no farther upon the power of the hierarchy, than they might have done with the concurrence of some among the bench of bishops themselves. Williams had consented to preside in the committee of religion; a scheme of "moderate episcopacy," designed to assimulate the episcopalian and presbyterian systems on a footing of mutual compromise, was sanctioned by Usher.

But moderation was no longer in their choice. The Church's overthrow was the condition of that support, in which lay their chief strength: the patriots, therefore, dared neglect no step tending to this object. "Delinquent" clergymen were daily deprived. A vote passed the Commons, that bishops should no longer sit in parliament: it was presently followed by a bill to deprive the whole body of the clergy of all temporal functions; and this again, by the well-known presentation of a bill for abolition of episcopacy, root and branch, brought in by the unhappy Sir Edward Dering. And though the peers withheld their concurrence, and had the courage to defend the ecclesiastical constitution a few months longer, yet it was evident they were gradually yielding to the pressure. On minor points they at once gave way; and already the personal treatment of the lords spiritual, in their own house of parliament, was disrespectful, if not contemptuous.

The king had engaged to be present in Scotland at the approaching session of the parliament of that kingdom. The fulfilment of this pledge was looked forward to by the patriots with alarm. Pleading the unsettled state of the public affairs, they requested a regent to be named during his majesty's absence: he consented only to appoint, for that period, the Earl of Essex to be commander-in-chief south of the Trent. On various pretexts, alleged by the houses, he from time to time delayed his journey; but at length set out from London, in the beginning of August. The parliament, not unreasonably suspicious of his purposes, despatched after him a committee, with Hampden at their head, to watch his steps and thwart his negotiations. A fortnight later the two houses, having

cach appointed a committee, empowered for all exigencies during the recess, voted an adjournment from September 9th to October 20th. Pym, whose influence and popularity were at this time unbounded, was named chairman of the Commons' committee; and had, in fact, management of both.

The king's determination to conciliate Scotland at all hazards, was early displayed. In passing through the head-quarters of the armies, at that time in the act of disbanding, he made no stay at York, but accepted an entertainment at Newcastle from Lesley, whom he created Earl of Leven. To the Covenanters he made ruinous concessions, humouring them at the same time in matters the least palatable to his tastes: he stripped the crown of its most valuable prerogatives; gave up episcopacy to destruction; nominated the leading ministers of the Kirk to be his chaplains, and regularly attended the presbyterian service. But all his concessions were now regarded by that rapacious race as the plunder of the vanquished; while in England both his attempts to win the Scots, and his efforts to search out the treasonable intrigues of the preceding year (which was quickly discovered to be a second, but scarcely less anxious object), served alike to exasperate the existing jealousy.

Before Charles's return, intelligence came from Ireland of the frightful rebellion in that country. Transferred from the able government of Strafford to feebler hands but harsher treatment; encouraged by the successful issue of the Scotch insurrection, and still more by those domestic feuds which occupied their masters; the native Irish conspired to throw off the yoke, and to massacre all the English and Protestants in the island. Unfortunately facilities were afforded for the execution of this dreadful project by the parliament's refusal, contrary to the king's desire, to allow the disbanded Irish soldiers to enter into foreign service. The plan of the insurrection had been in agitation as early as the month of March, and, by degrees, the whole Roman Catholic population were drawn into it; but so well had the terrible secret been kept, that it was not till the night previous to the day fixed for its execution that the government received the least intimation of the impending blow. Intelligence of it reached the lords-justices, Borlase and Parsons, scarcely in time to secure the Castle of Dublin; in most other places the design was carried into effect, amid scenes of cruelty and bloodshed almost too horrible for belief. The rebels had the audacity to assert that they had risen in defence of the royal cause: they even exhibitied a forged commission from the king. That Charles connived at, if he did not instigate, this work of blood, though now-not, indeed, without manifest reluctance-given up, even by those who are most hostile to his fame, was too convenient, and, at the time, too plausible a falsehood, not to meet with countenance from the parliament. A common danger should have reconciled the contending parties. But to the patriots all dangers appeared trivial, in comparison with the returning tide of the nation's loyalty, with which they were now seriously threatened. Fresh appeals were, therefore, to be made to the fears and credulity of the populace. Hence plots thickened, of which some were brought to light; others, more numerous and terrible, were suspended in darkness. Mysterious hints of the dangerous tendency of the court intrigues in Scotland were sent up by the vigilant northern committee: the swords of disbanded officers, who lurked in

the purlieus of Covent Garden and Whitehall, were said to be thirsting for the blood of their brethren at Westminster: Pym's life had actually been attempted, by means of a plague-paster, conveyed to him, at the House of Commons, in a letter:-for all these reasons, the members of parliament, on re-assembling at the appointed day, found the trained bands under arms in the Palace Yard, watching night and day for the safety of that indefatigable band of patriots.

The time had now arrived for the adoption of an expedient, of which some rumours had already been heard: this was the famous Remonstrance. According to its original plan, the Remonstrance was designed to display the actual evils under which the country laboured: one by one, however, those evils had vanished-it was for this very reason that the Remonstrance was now revived, though in a different shape. It contained, in strong but popular language, a sombre view of the king's reign, from his accession to the hour of its presentation; representing the miserable writhings of the people under the rod of despotism, set off by a highly coloured picture of the parliament's labours for their relief, through difficulties seemingly insurmountable, followed by alarming announcements of worse calamities to be dreaded from the machinations of some unnamed but terrible "malignant parties." To this statement, the form of a petition was not given ; but it was accompanied by a request, that the bishops might be deprived of their votes in parliament; that his majesty would be pleased to remove all objectionable persons from his counsels; and that in future he would employ such individuals only, in public affairs and places of trust, "as," in the words of the Remonstrance, introducing a phrase frequently employed from that time by its authors,-" as the parliament may have cause to confide in."

The production of this paper in the House of Commons was the critical and decisive point in the history of the Long Parliament. Its contrivers intended by it to ascertain, and fix, their strength. It was, and was designed to be, a severe touchstone of each man's actual principles and views; and, at the same time, a barrier against their future abandonment. Doubt and suspicion immediately pervaded the minds of the moderate and undecided. Why recall the bitterness of grievances that had ceased to exist? Why this studied harshness of speech? What was the destination of this fierce manifesto? Silence and mystery were, for a time, the only answers.

It was the 21st of November. The house had been occupied with other subjects of discussion till the hour of twelve-a late hour of the day, in those times, to bring on new and important matter. Would there be a debate?" A trifling one," replied the ambiguous member for Cambridge, Cromwell, to whom the question was addressed. Those who were best acquainted with the relative state of parties in the house foresaw at least a part of the result: the debate was deferred to the following morning.

At nine o'clock on the 22nd it was opened, and continued through the day with unwonted violence. Many members-those especially whose indisposition, from age or infirmity, to sit out so protracted a discussion, was not overcome by the interested zeal of party-dropped out one by one. "This," cried Rudyard, observing Secretary Nicholas take his departure, "will be the verdict of a starved jury." Midnight came:-the

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Remonstrance was put to the vote, and carried by a majority of nine. And now appeared the real object of the Remonstrants; for thereupon rose Hampden, and moved that it should be printed. A debate, fiercer than the last, ensued. It appearing that no intention existed to bring the question before the Peers for their concurrence, Hyde warmly asserted that the house was incompetent to proceed alone in such a measure. "Should, however," he said, "this dangerous proposal be adopted, I for one must be allowed to protest against it." On this, Palmer, one of the moderate men, stood up, crying out, "I, too, protest!" Other members did the same. Pym now reminded the house that the privilege, allowed to a minority, of protesting, was unknown to the Commons, and directed the displeasure of the house against the attempted innovation. Instantly the whole assembly rose in a tumult. The scene which ensued is set before us by the lively pen of a member present. "At three o'clock in the morning," writes Sir Philip Warwick, "when they voted it [the resolution to print], I thought we all, like Joab's and Abner's young men, had catched at each other's locks, and sheathed our swords in each other's bowels, had not the sagacity and great calmness of Mr. Hampden, by a short speech prevented it, and led us to defer our angry debate." An effectual separation was now made between the moderate and the "root-and-branch" men; but only to prove the comparative weakness of the former. From this period, the Parliament constituted the Government; the Commons, the Parliament; the Country, or patriotic party, the Commons-the last being themselves but the agents of the Presbyterian and Puritan sections of the people.

The king's return took place two days afterwards, amidst a burst of returning loyalty, bright, brief, and delusive. On the way, he was received-at York, in particular-with the warmest testimonies of dutiful affection. The loyalists had succeeded in placing in the civic chair of London Sir Richard Gurney, a man of character and courage. Under his auspices, the king and queen, with the whole court, were magnificently feasted in Guildhall; and, while the conduits in Cheapside and Cornhill ran with wine, the whole city accompanied the royal party back to Whitehall, surrounded with the blaze of innumerable torches, and attended by the prayers and acclamations of the fickle multitude.

The next day Charles received back Essex's commission; dismissed the guard from about the parliament houses; published a proclamation commanding obedience to the laws for the defence of religion; and proceeded to attach to his person the more distinguished of the seceders, by creating Falkland secretary of state, and Colepepper chancellor of the exchequer; while in Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, though that statesman declined a specific office, he secured a firm friend and an invaluable servant.

On the first of December a committee attended the king at Hampton Court, to present the Remonstrance. Charles received them graciously. Charles received them graciously. "Does the house purpose to publish this declaration?" he inquired. "We are not authorised to answer your majesty's questions," was the reply. "Well," rejoined the king, "I suppose you do not expect an instant answer to so long a document? You shall have one with as much speed as the weightiness of the business will permit." He made it his request to the

house, that the Remonstrance might not be allowed to appear till his answer was ready : --it was forthwith printed, without any notice in the house of this request.

This paper was an appeal, not to the king, but to the people; and it did its expected work. Innumerable pamphlets, in the same strain, "pursued the triumph." Tumultuous demonstrations of popular strength, on pretence of meeting to petition, daily followed. Then came the outrages at Westminster. The City of London was at that time the residence of the greater part of the nobility and foreign ambassadors; and, besides the retainers of the great, swarmed with a bold, reckless, and dissatisfied population. Every man had arms, and had learned to use them. Crowds of these citizens, under the general name of "apprentices," mixed with the yet meaner rabble of the suburbs, flocked to Westminster, shouting "No bishops! no bishops!" The Commons (for the Lords refused to join with them) petitioned the king, at this moment, "in regard of the fears they had of some design from the papists, that they might continue such a guard about them as they thought fit." He ordered the trained bands of Westminster and Middlesex on this duty. So little satisfaction, however, did the order give, that when the Earl of Dorset, lord-lieutenant of Middlesex, directed them to remove the rioters from about the doors of the house of Peers, against whom their violence was chiefly directed, "the Commons," says Clarendon, "inveighed against the earl, and talked of accusing him of high treason." The tumults hourly increasing, and many members of the Lords complaining, in their places, of the insults they met with, that house sought a conference with the other to consider the proper remedy. The request was evaded:-they must not discourage their friends; and Pym exclaimed, in the presence of both houses, "God forbid, the House of Commons should proceed in any way to dishearten the people to obtain their just desires!"

With how much promptitude and decision any indiscreet step which the parties assailed might, in this miserable state of things, be induced to take, was turned to account by the watchful energy of the House of Commons, is seen in the memorable incident of the bishops' petition. Those reverend persons having been several days forcibly excluded from the House of Peers by the mob, Williams, archbishop of York, an able man, but whose restless temper did little service to the church, prevailed with eleven of his brethren to join him in subscribing a protest against the validity of every act of the house during their absence. It was addressed to the king, and by him forwarded to the Lords, who heard it with surprise and resentment, and immediately communicated it to the other house. No occurrence could have fallen out more favourably for the enemies of the church, than this weak attempt. It was instantly debated in the Commons, with the usual signs of secrecy and importance; and a resolution passed to impeach the twelve prelates of high treason. The result was, that they appeared, on their knees, as culprits at the bar of the House of Lords; and that ten of these venerable and learned fathers were instantly despatched by water to the Tower, through the inclement air of a winter's evening; the remaining two, in tenderness to their great age and infirmities, being committed to the care of Maxwell. Nor were some of those schemes by which the king himself attempted to counterwork the assaults now