do every thing by them and nothing for them, is the secret of every Revolution.'

The account of the Federation on the 14th of July 1790 concludes with this remark: Thus was celebrated this famous festival, the striking solemnity of which will for ever perpetuate, to the disgrace of France, the memory of the falsest oath ever taken for all who took it have been forsworn, the king. only excepted. Alas! he paid dearly for that fatal fidelity!'

In chapter 36, the character of Mirabeau seems to be clearly developed; and, after the account of his death and funeral, in chap. 38, it is thus sketched by the Annalist:

• Mirabeau possessed so robust a constitution, such extraordinarystrength, that it was very generally suspected that he had been poisoned. But he was opened, in presence of several of the faculty, by his own physician, who was affectionately attached to him, and not the slightest appearance of poison was perceived. For near a month before, his health, which he never took care of, had been much impaired by frequent attacks of the colic, and the disorder that proved fatal was the natural and immediate consequence of a debauch which he had carried to the greatest excess.

Thus died this man, who was possessed of qualities doubtless very rare, but the most fatal when not the most valuable. He bad sufficient energy, sufficient ambition, and more talents than necessary to fill the highest offices with great eminence; in a word, to be a Great Man, if the violence of his passions and his love of money had not always rendered him a contemptible one, and often a rascal. It would be very difficult to select a single period of his life free from errors or crimes. If he had not died so soon, he might, by important services, have repaired a part of the mischief he had done; he might perhaps have saved the Monarchy: but Providence, who sometimes suffers the wicked to triumph and to oppress virtue, very rarely permits the ignominious path of wickedness to lead to that of real glory. The extraordinary honours decreed to Mirabeau by the Assembly and the Capital, were but of short duration, for they were granted for criminal services, for a conduct much less deserving praise than contempt and punishment. Had they been the reward of the intentions and of the plan which had occupied his mind for the last three months of his life, they would have been immortal; because they would have been the homage and the recompence of virtue.'

The fourth volume contains a number of curious and interesting particulars relative to the schemes which were devised for liberating the King, to his fatal flight, and to his conduct after his return to Paris. A plan conceived by M. de Montmorin is here given, which he is said to have presented to his Majesty, when ignorant of the King's design of setting out for Montmedy; and which, had it been adopted, would (according to M. Bertrand) have less hazarded either the dignity or the safety of the Monarch, and would have presented a better prospect

prospect of effecting a gentle and advantageous counter-revolu tion. The plan was this:

M. de Montmorin, who secretly kept up a daily correspondence with the Count de Mercy, was to commission him, on the part of the King, to invite the Emperor to form, as soon as possible, a feigned coalition with the Empire, Prussia, Russia, Spain, and the Kings of Naples and Sardinia, to declare, but not make actual war against France.

This coalition once formed were to publish a manifesto, the chief grounds of which, pointed out in the plan, should be the maintenance of the rights of the Princes who had possessions in France, and the common interest of all the Powers, to stop a revolution, the principles and manoeuvres of which tended to nothing less than the subversion of all the Governments of Europe.

At the precise period in which this manifesto was to be published, the Emperor, the Kings of Prussia, Spain, and Sardinia, were each to put his army in motion, and order it to approach the frontiers of France, by short marches, under the pretence of waiting the assembling the troops of the other Powers, but, in fact, to give the King time to prepare the different measures in the interior, which were to concur in the success of the plan.

These measures consisted essentially in neglecting nothing to augment the King's popularity, and to undermine that of all the Factious; to endeavour, by every possible means, to influence the Assembly and the Galleries, the Municipality and the Sections, the Jacobin Club and the National Guard, and to support and carry the motions that circumstances should require. A sum of two millions, distributed with judgment, would have been sufficient to secure these points; for, except a very few fanatics, misled by the revolutionary rage to of madness, there were hardly any of these pretended pure patriots, who were not to be bought at their full value, that is to say, at a very low price.

The declaration of so formidable a preparation for war, at a moment when the French army, deprived by emigration of its best officers, was entirely disorganized, must naturally excite a general sentiment of discontent and terror, which it would be easy to turn entirely against the Assembly. The King alone, exempt from all reproach worthy of all confidence, might, by means of negociation, avert the Scourge of war with which France should seem threatened, or at least place the country in a situation to repulse the enemy; and this he might effect by going in person to re-establish subordination in the army, there calling upon all the Emigrant Officers to return to him. This wish was to be addressed to his Majesty, not only by a great many Departments, by the Journalists, the Clubs, the groups of the Palais-Royal, but also by the Army itself; and their petition being supported in the Assembly by all the members of the CoteDroit, by a considerable party of the Cote-Gauche, and by the galleries, could not fail of being favourably received and granted. The King men have set out without any obstacle for Metz or Valenciennes, according to the position of the hostile armies. On

his arrival, his Majesty was to have published a proclamation, enjoining all the Emigrants immediately to return into the kingdom, and commanding the Princes, Officers, and all Gentlemen, able to bear arms, personally to attend the King in the town to be appointed, in order to join with his Majesty in the defence of the State, the whole, under pain of being deemed traitors to their King and Country, and of being prosecuted as such. That these orders might be executed without delay, the Count d'Artois was to be informed of the King's plan before-hand, by a confidential person, to be fixed upon by M. de Montmorin.

After these first operations, a new Council was to be formed, and composed of Ministers chosen among persons most distinguished for their knowledge, energy, and monarchical principles. The King, attended by the Marquis de Bouillé, was to review his army, shew himself every day to the soldiers, and inspire their former loyalty, by often speaking to them kindly and confidently. At the same time, his Majesty was to negociate with the Emperor, obtain an armistice, summon the Assembly to Metz or Valenciennes, to consult with them upon the demands of the Powers, and concert the conditions of peace.

The Queen remaining at Paris, was to. render herself popular by letters to the Emperor and to the King of Naples, in order to separate them from the coalition, and they were to be written in a manner to produce the most beneficial effect. M. de Montmorin was also to remain at Paris, to treat with the principal members of the Assembly, to preserve the means of influence, and to direct them as Occasion might require.

It was not to be presumed that the Assembly, when summoned by the King, would refuse to attend his person; the populace, in that case, would have compelled them to go; and thousands of addresses would have poured in from all parts to demand their dissolution. Previous to their arrival, or to their being superseded by new Deputies, appointed in the same manner as the former ones, that is to say, by the Bailiwick Assemblies, which the King might have convoked for that purpose, in compliance with the numerous petitions that might have been obtained from all the provinces, his Majesty's Council, and that of the Emperor, might have concerted the conditions upon which the Fowers were to insist.

These conditions, amongst which was to be the disarming and disbanding of the National Guard, were to be of such a nature that the King could not subscribe to them without the consent of the Assembly, nor the Assembly without consulting the wishes of their constituents, that is to say, the Bailiwick Assemblies; the convocation of which, loudly demanded by the people, by the army, and by innumerable petitions, would become inevitable.

These Assemblies, contrived to be convoked on the same day throughout the kingdom, were to be consulted not only respecting the demands of the different Powers, but respecting the plan of a declaration drawn up according to the desires contained in the majority of the instructions to the Deputies, and which was no more than a summary of the ancient Monarchical Government, cleared from all

its abuses, and improved on principles the most prudent and the most proper to secure the stability of the French Constitution.

This declaration, fulfilling all wishes and realizing all hopes, except those of the factious and brigands, could not fail to be every where received with the most unanimous transports of joy. The Bailiwick Assemblies were to direct their Representatives to present the King with the homage of the general gratitude; and vote immediately the taxes necessary for the wants of the State, according to his Majesty's desire.

Thus would there have been an end to the Assembly, the Revolution, civil commotions, and war with the Powers of Europe. The King, after having settled the conditions of peace with them, was to set off to the capital; there would he arrive in the midst of universal acclamations of joy, love, and happiness, and find, at last, this good city of Paris, those good Frenchmen of old times, that good people who idolized their Kings.'

In the next chapter, we are informed that the King had conceived a design for his deliverance different from any that had been proposed to him, and of which his Ministers were ignorant; that, in consequence, Count Alphonse de Durfort was sent on a secret mission; and that the Count d'Artois held a conference with the Emperor at Mantua, where the plan of rescuing the King was decided. M. Bertrand assures us that the following is a faithful extract from this plan:

"The Emperor shall order 35,000 men to march towards the frontiers of Flanders and Hainault, and at the same time the troops of the Circles, to the number of 15,000 men, shall proceed to Alsace. The same number of Swiss shall appear on the frontiers of the Lyonnois and Franche Compté; the King of Sardinia upon that of Dauphiné with 15,000 men. Spain has already assembled 12,000 mea in Catalonia, and will raise them to 20,000 troops, to threaten the southern provinces. These different armies will form a mass of about 100,000 men, which shall march in five columns to the several frontiers bordering on the Terent States. To these armies shall be joined the regiments remaining loyal, the armed volunteers who may be relied on, and all the malcontents of the provinces.

"The Emperor is assured of the good disposition of the King of Prussia; and his Imperial Majesty has himself undertaken the direct correspondence with the Court of Berlin. The King of England as Elector of Hanover also desires to enter into the coalition, which must be kept a profound secret till the instant of the explosion: for which reason care must be taken to prevent any partial insurrection in the Interior.

"All being thus arranged for the end of July, the declaration of the House of Bourbon shall appear: it shall be signed by the King of Spain, the King of Naples, the Infant of Parina, and the Princes of the Blood that are at liberty. The Manifesto of the Powers engaged in the coalition shall appear immediately after.

"Although

"Although the Emperor is the soul and leader of the enterprise, it would most probably place the Queen in a perilous situation if he should appear as the prime mover; for this plan would be certainly attributed to the House of Austria, and the Assembly will use their 'utmost endeavours to render it odious to the people.

"The Emperor is going to write to the King of Spain to hasten his preparations, and to exhort him to sign without delay the declaration of the House of Bourbon. The King and Queen of Naples, who are acquainted with it, only wait the signature of Spain to affix theirs.

The intentions of the King of Sardinia are excellent: he only waits the Emperor's signal. The Diet of Ratisbon, who have received the decree for a commission, are about to take their last resolutions.

"The neutrality of England may be relied upon.

"Every thing being thus concerted with the Powers, this plan ought to be considered as settled; and care should be taken that it is not thwarted by jarring ideas. Their Majesties should carefully avoid dividing their confidence, and letting many into the secret; having already experienced that it only hurts, retards, and embarasses.

"The Parliaments are necessary for the re-establishment of forms; consequently a continual correspondence must be kept up with severał Members of the Supreme Courts, to be able to reassemble them easily when the time comes.

very

"Though hitherto it had been wished that their Majesties might themselves procure their liberty, the present situation of affairs makes it necessary to entreat them earnestly to drop the idea. Their position is different from that in which they stood previous to the 18th of April, before the King had been compelled to go to the Assembly, and to cause the letter to be written to the Ambassadors. The only object that ought to take up their Majesties' attention, is to employ every possible means to increase their popularity, to take advantage of it when the time should come, and so that the people, alarmed at the approach of the foreign armies, should find their safety only in the King's mediation, and their submission to his Majesty's authority. This is the Emperor's opinion. He depends solely on this plan of conduct for the success of the measures which he has adopted, and particularly requests that every other may be given up. What might happen to their Majesties, if in their flight they should not be able to escape a barbarous vigilance, makes him shudder with horror. His Imperial Majesty thinks that their Majesties' surest course is the movement of the armies of the allied Powers, preceded by threatening manifestos."

We have stated these particulars, that the reader may judge what reason the Annalist had for being offended with Mr. Fox, for his quotation in the House of Commons; concerning which we shall speak farther at the close of this article.

It is evident that the King and the National Assembly placed no confidence in each other; and, as the fear was mutual, so also was the duplicity. M. Bertrand very candidly acknowleges

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