already been productive of numerous useful results. From day to day the happiness of the nation and the wealth of my dominions go on augmenting. It being now my desire to renew and enlarge still more the new institutions ordained with the view of establishing a state of things conformable with the dignity of my Empire and the position which it occupies among civilised nations; and the rights of my Empire having, by the fidelity and praiseworthy efforts of all my subjects, and by the kind and friendly assistance of the great Powers, my noble allies, received from abroad a confirmation which will be the commencement of a new era, it is my desire to augment its wellbeing and prosperity, to insure the happiness of all my subjects, who in my sight are all equal, and equally dear to me, and who are united to each other by the cordial ties of patriotism, and to insure the means of daily increasing the prosperity of my Empire. I have therefore resolved upon, and I order the execution of the following measures:-The guarantees promised on our part by the Hatti-Humayoon of Gulhané, and in conformity with the Tanzimat, to all the subjects of my Empire, without distinction of classes or of religion, for the security of their persons and property and the preservation of their honour, are to-day confirmed and consolidated, and efficacious measures shall be taken in order that they may have their full and entire effect. All the privileges and spiritual immunities granted by my ancestors ab antiquo, and at subsequent dates, to all Christian communities or other non-Mussulman persuasions established in my Empire under my protection, shall be confirmed and maintained. Every Christian or other non-Mussulman community shall be bound, within a fixed period, and with the concurrence of a Commission composed ad hoc of members of its own body, to proceed, with my high approbation, and under the inspection of my Sublime Porte, to examine into its actual immunities and privileges, and to discuss and submit to my Sublime Porte the reforms required by the progress of civilisation and of the age. The powers conceded to the Christian Patriarchs and Bishops by the Sultan Mahomet II. and his successors, shall be made to harmonise with the new position which my generous and beneficent intentions insure to these communities. The principle of nominating the Patriarchs for life, after the revision of the rules of election now in force, shall be strictly carried out, conformably to the tenor of their firmans of investiture. The Patriarchs, Metropolitans, Archbishops, Bishops, and Rabbins shall take an oath on their entrance into office, according to a form agreed upon in common by my Sublime Porte and the spiritual heads of the different religious communities. The ecclesiastical dues, of whatever sort or nature they be, shall be abolished and replaced by fixed revenues for the Patriarchs and heads of communities, and by the allocation of allowances and salaries equitably proportioned to the importance of the rank and the dignity of the different members of the clergy. The property, real or personal, of the different Christian ecclesiastics shall remain intact; the temporal administration of the Christian or other nonMussulman communities shall, however, be placed under the safeguard of an Assembly to be chosen from among the members, both ecclesiastics and laymen, of the said communities. In the towns, small boroughs, and villages where the whole population is of the same religion, no obstacle shall be offered to the repair, according to their original plan, of buildings set apart for religious worship, før schools, for hospitals, and for cemeteries. The plans of these different buildings, in case of their new erection, must, after having been approved by the Patriarchs or heads of communities, be submitted to my Sublime Porte, which will approve of them by my Imperial order, or make known its observations upon them within a certain time. Each sect, in localities where there are no other religious denominations, shall be free from every species of restraint as regards the public exercise of its religion. In the towns, small boroughs, and villages where different sects are mingled together, each community, inhabiting a distinct quarter, shall, by conforming to the above-mentioned ordinances, have equal power to repair and improve its churches, its hospitals, its schools, and its cemeteries. When there is question of the erection of new buildings, the necessary autho rity must be asked for through the medium of the Patriarchs and heads of communities from my Sublime Porte, which will pronounce a sovereign decision according that authority, except in the case of admin strative obstacles. The intervention of the admi strative authority in all measures of this nature wa be entirely gratuitous. My Sublime Porte will take energetic measures to insure to each sect, whatever be the number of its adherents, entire freedom in the exercise of its religion. Every distinction or designation tending to make any class whatever of the subjects of my Empire inferior to another class, on account of their religi, language, or race, shall be for ever effaced from the Administrative Protocol. The laws shall be put i force against the use of any injurious or offensive term, either among private individuals or on the par of the authorities. As all forms of religion are and shall be freely professed in my dominions, no subject of my Empire shall be hindered in the exercise of the religion the he professes, nor shall be in any way annoyed on this account. No one shall be compelled to change his religion. The nomination and choice of all functionaries and other employés of my Empire being wholly dependen upon my sovereign will, all the subjects of my Empare, without distinction of nationality, shall be admissi to public employments, and qualified to fill them according to their capacity and merit, and conformal with rules to be generally applied. All the subjects f my Empire, without distinction, shall be received in the Civil and Military Schools of the Government, i they otherwise satisfy the conditions as to age and examination which are specified in the Organic Regul tions of the said Schools. Moreover, every community is authorised to establish Public Schools of Science Art, and Industry; but the method of instruction & the choice of professors in schools of this class shai be under the control of a Mixed Council of Pabl Instruction, the members of which shall be named by my sovereign command. All commercial, correctional, and criminal st between Mussulmans and Christian or other no Mussulman subjects, or between Christians or othe non-Mussulmans of different sects, shall be referred to Mixed Tribunals. The proceedings of these th bunals shall be public; the parties shall be confron and shall produce their witnesses, whose testimony shall be received, without distinction, upon an a taken according to the religious law of each s Suits relating to civil affairs shall continue to be! publicly tried, according to the laws and regulations, before the Mixed Provincial Councils, in the presence of the Governor and Judge of the place. Special civil proceedings-such as those relating to successions or others of that kind-between subjects of the same Christian or other non-Mussulman faith, may, at the request of the parties, be sent before the Councils of the Patriarchs or of the communities. Penal, correctional, and commercial laws, and rules of procedure for the Mixed Tribunals, shall be drawn up as soon as possible, and formed into a code. Translations of them shall be published in all the languages current in the Empire. Proceedings shall be taken, with as little delay as possible, for the reform of the penitentiary system as applied to houses of detention, punishment, or correction, and other establishments of like nature, so as to reconcile the rights of humanity with those of justice. Corporal punishment shall not be administered, even in the prisons, except in conformity with the disciplinary regulations established by my Sublime Porte; and everything that resembles torture shall be entirely abolished. Infractions of the law in this particular shall be severely repressed, and shall besides entail, as of right, the punishment, in conformity with the Civil Code, of the authorities who may order and of the agents who may commit them. The organisation of the police in the capital, in the provincial towns, and in the rural districts, shall be revised in such a manner as to give to all the peaccable subjects of my Empire the strongest guarantees for the safety both of their persons and property. The equality of taxes entailing equality of burdens, as equality of duties entails that of rights, Christian subjects, and those of other non-Mussulman sects, as it has been already decided, shall, as well as Mussulmans, be subject to the obligations of the Law of Recruitment. The principle of obtaining substitutes, or of purchasing exemption, shall be admitted. A complete law shall be published, with as little delay as possible, respecting the admission into and service in the army of Christian and other non-Mussulman subjects. Proceedings shall be taken for a reform in the constitution of the Provincial and Communal Councils, in order to insure fairness in the choice of the deputies of the Mussulman, Christian, and other communities, and freedom of voting in the Councils. My Sublime Porte will take into consideration the adoption of the most effectual means for ascertaining exactly and for controlling the result of the deliberations and of the decisions arrived at. As the laws regulating the purchase, sale, and disposal of real property are common to all the subjects of my Empire, it shall be lawful for foreigners to possess landed property in my dominions, conforming themselves to the laws and police regulations, and bearing the same charges as the native inhabitants, and after arrangements have been come to with foreign Powers. The taxes are to be levied under the same denomination from all the subjects of my Empire, without distinction of class or of religion. The most prompt and energetic means for remedying the abuses in collecting the taxes, and especially the tithes, shall be considered. The system of direct collection shall gradually, and as soon as possible, be substituted for the plan of farming, in all the branches of the revenues of the State. As long as the present system remains in force, all agents of the Government and all members of the Medjlis shall be forbidden, under the severest penalties, to become lessees of any farming contracts which are announced for public competition, or to have any beneficial interest in carrying them out. The local taxes shall, as far as possible, be so imposed as not to affect the sources of production, or to hinder the progress of internal commerce. Works of public utility shall receive a suitable endowment, part of which shall be raised from private and special taxes levied in the Provinces which shall have the benefit of the advantages arising from the establishment of ways of communication by land and sea. A special law having been already passed, which declares that the Budget of the revenue and expenditure of the State shall be drawn up and made known every year, the said law shall be most scrupulously observed. Proceedings shall be taken for revising the emoluments attached to each office. The heads of each community and a delegate, designated by my Sublime Porte, shall be summoned to take part in the deliberations of the Supreme Council of Justice on all occasions which may interest the generality of the subjects of my Empire. They shall be summoned specially for this purpose by my Grand Vizier. The delegates shall hold office for one year; they shall be sworn on entering upon their duties. All the members of the Council, at the ordinary and extraordinary meetings, shall freely give their opinions and their votes, and no one shall ever annoy them on this account. The laws against corruption, extortion, or malversation shall apply, according to the legal forms, to all the subjects of my Empire, whatever may be their class and the nature of their duties. Steps shall be taken for the formation of banks and other similar institutions, so as to effect a reform in the monetary and financial system, as well as to collect funds to be employed in augmenting the sources of the material wealth of my Empire. Steps shall also be taken for the formation of roads and canals, to increase the facilities of communication, and increase the sources of the wealth of the country. Everything that can impede commerce or agriculture shall be abolished. To accomplish these objects, means shall be sought to profit by the science, the art, and the funds of Europe, and thus gradually to execute them. Such being my wishes and my commands, you, my Grand Vizier, will, according to custom, cause this Imperial firman to be published in my capital, and in all parts of my Empire; and you will watch attentively, and take all the necessary measures that all the orders which it contains be henceforth carried out with the most rigorous exactness. VI. FRENCH OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE WAR. [In the spring of 1856, a work was published in France, entitled L'Expédition de Crimée, jusqu'à la Prise de Sebastopol: Chroniques de la Guerre d'Orient. It was written by Baron de Bazancourt, author of Histoire de Sicile sous la Domination des Normands; The and Cinq Mois au Camp devant Sebastopol. baron had been requested by M. Fortoul, Minister of Public Instruction, to proceed to the Crimea, and to prepare a chronicle of the achievements of his compatriots in the war, with a view to the preparation of a history at a subsequent period. Marshal Vaillant, Minister of War, wrote a letter to the baron on the 28th of December 1854, informing him that instructions had been sent out, to Marshal de St Arnaud, to afford all practicable facilities for this object. Thus accredited, Baron de Bazancourt went to the French camp outside Sebastopol, in January 1855, and there remained till the capture in September. When that favoured writer, therefore, published his 'History,' it was at once accepted as semi-official-dedicated as it was, too, to the emperor. Many English readers at once objected to it, on the ground that the English army and its exploits are seldom mentioned; that the mention is always brief; that the English army is generally treated as a mere appendage to the French; that the successes are recorded as something belonging peculiarly to the French; and that where the commanders differ, the French are in the right and the English in the wrong. Viewed, however-not as a history of the war, but as a chronicle of French participation in the war, and a record of French opinion concerning it-Baron de Bazancourt's work contains many French official documents, an English translation of a few of which may usefully be given here, touching on matters not made public through any other medium.] 1. French Fleet in Turkish Waters, 1854. BLACK SEA SQUADRON, VICE-ADMIRAL HAMELIN. Horse regarded as the key to the whole place-strategy advocated by some of the English engineers from the very commencement. This new arrangement entailed a new organisation of the French Crimean army-in:o a siege-corps and a corps of observation: the former to conduct the siege in the south and west; and the latter to guard the plateau from Russian counterattacks on the side of Inkermann and the Tchermaya, as well as to conduct the siege of the Malakoff and neighbouring works. General Pelissier was sent from Africa to command the one corps, while General Bosquet was intrusted with the other: Canrober remaining commander-in-chief of the whole. The organisation became therefore as follows:-] Guns, power. 120 Valmy, 120 0 Engineer Commander, Ville de Paris, 1st Division, 2d Henri IV., за Charlemagne, auxiliary steam, 90 450 Jéna, " 3d Class, Marengo, Gomer, "1 4th " Steam-frigate, 80 16 450 28th April 1855 The cannonade which has been opened agai Sebastopol must by this time either have succeeded or failed. But in either case it is absolutely necessary to depart from the strategy followed during the las six months. Acting in accordance with the Englis government, I suggest that the whole Allied force be divided into three commands-one siege-army, two armies of operation. The first of these will guard Kamiesch, and blockade the garrison of Sebastopol. The second will operate at a short distance from Balaklava, and, if needful, occupy the Mackenne heights. The third will be at liberty for a distinct expedition.* If, as I believe, the Russians have 35,000 men inside Sebastopol, 15,000 north of Eupatoria, and 70,000 between Simferopol, the Belbek, and the Tchernaya, a force of 60,000 good troops would suffice to destroy the Russians, surprised before they could unite; and even if they did unite, we should find ourselves nearly equal to them in number; for the great principle of strategy must not be forgotten-that if a diversion be made at a certain distance from the base of operations, the troops employed in this diversion should be sufficiently numerous to resist the opponent army, collected in all force against them. All this duly considered, I would send 40,000 men to the Valley of Baidar; these, supported by Lord Raglan, would command the four roads which cross the Tchernaya, between Skelia and Tchorgouna. We should thus obtain several têtes du pont, menacing the Russian left on the Mackenzie heights. This done, I would leave Lord Raglan master of all the positions on the left bank of the Tchernaya; I would bring together, in rear of the line occupied by the English, the 40,000 men of the French active army, with the cavalry and the means of transport; and would then, with look-outs on the cliffs, await the arrival of the army of reserve from Constantinople. The active French army would then consist of one corps under General Bosquet, comprising four divisions of infantry, and one of light cavalry; and one under General Regnault de St Jean d'Angely, comprising two divisions of infantry, one of the Imperial Guard, and one of heavy cavalry. The whole of this active army would be under General Canrobert; while General Pelissier would command the siege-army. What would then be our position, as against the Russians? The movement upon Baidar, giving us routes across the Tchernaya, menaces their left, and leads them to suppose it to be our intention to dislodge them from the heights of Inkermann and Mackenzie: this holds the Russians in check, and draws their attention to Inkermann and Perekop. Our position in such case would be excellent, and my projects unknown; and even if anything were to occur to derange them, nothing would be compromised. Supposing the movement to succeed thus far, matters would proceed as follow :— As soon as the fleet is descried, bringing the reserve corps of 25,000 men, give orders to effect a landing at Alushta, at a spot previously examined. Let the first 3000, on landing, establish themselves three leagues from Alushta, beyond the defile of Ayen; and until this occupation is effected, let no others disembark. All being prepared, let the remainder land; and let the 40,000 men of the other army march along the sea-side road from Baidar past Yalta. Thus within three days 65,000 troops would assemble and penetrate to Simferopol; the town would be taken, a garrison placed in it, and the roads in the rear of the army secured. One of two things would then occur. Either the Russian army which is near Sebastopol would abandon this formidable position, and go to meet the invading army on the Baktchéserai Road; in which case Lord Raglan's army would at once scize the position on * Probable strength of these three armies: 60,000 55,000 24 40,000 French already on the plateau, with 25,000 reserve about to arrive, 65,000 the Mackenzie heights-or else the Russians would remain within their lines; and then Canrobert's large army, advancing from Baktchéserai to Sebastopol, with its left on the heights, would form a junction with Lord Raglan's army (advanced in the meantime from Baidar to Albat), and repulse the Russians, driving them either into Sebastopol or into the sea. This plan appears to me to possess immense advantages. The army, even at Simferopol, which is only nine leagues from Alushta, will be able to maintain a communication with the sea; it will traverse a healthy region, containing the best water in all the Crimea; its base of operations in the rear will be secured; it will occupy ground in which an inferiority in cavalry will not be of much moment; and, lastly, it will come suddenly on the line of operation of the Russians-separating them from their supplies, and perhaps from their reserve artillery. If the defile of Ayen, a position indispensable to the success of the project, is too strongly fortified to be taken, the 3000 men first sent thither must at once re-embark. The whole army of reserve (D'Angely's corps) would in that case land at Balaklava, and would endeavour to operate against Simferopol by Baidar instead of Ayen: a plan, however, far less advantageous. As to the march of 40,000 men (Bosquet's corps) from Baidar to Alushta, I deem it little dangerous; for there is a protecting range of mountains near; the Russian forces are at some distance; and steam-ships might follow a parallel course near the shore. The steamers might carry eight days' rations for 65,000 men with D'Angely's corps; wagons might carry as much with Bosquet's corps; and thus the entire force under Canrobert would be victualled for sixteen days. Further supplies, if the expedition were successful, would be sent inland by the route from Alushta. As to a diversion by way of Eupatoria, nothing would seem to me more dangerous, more opposed to the rules of art or the counsels of prudence. If we operate from Eupatoria towards Simferopol, we shall be in an insalubrious country, exposed, and almost wholly without water, upon ground where the numerous Russian cavalry would have every chance of success; and we should have to march sixteen leagues in face of an enemy who could approach from the north as well as from the south, and could possibly cut off the retreat of our columns. Our wings would not rest on any natural obstacles. To go from Eupatoria to Simferopol, we should have to carry with us all the provisions and ammunition; for, once away from Eupatoria, our rear would be harassed, and our convoys intercepted by the 15,000 Russians who are near that town, mostly cavalry. If we were resisted at Simferopol, and if the Russian army, by change of front, should gain the road which we had just traversed, our columns would be annihilated or starved. Besides, it is another principle of strategy, that a flank-march must not be attempted except at a distance from the enemy, and when sheltered by the natural conformation of the country. It thus appears that any army, operating on Simferopol from Eupatoria, would be without a line of operation, without a secured flank, without means of retreat, without a favourable field for battle, and without supplies on the road. Besides, the Eupatorian army, instead of being compact, composed of soldiers of one nation commanded by one head, would be formed in great part of Turks, strengthened by a few English or French divisions-wanting in unity, security, and confidence. If, as a further supposition, the army from Eupatoria were to direct its operations at once against Sebastopol, it would be a repetition of the original landing and march in the Crimea, obstructed by still more formidable defence-works on the banks of the Alma, Katcha, and Belbek: it would be disastrous. Then would arise the necessity of leaving at Eupatoria no more Turks than are absolutely necessary to defend the place. I have thus explained the plan which I should have liked to carry out, at the head of the brave troops whom you have hitherto commanded; and it is with the most profound and earnest regret that I find myself forced, by considerations of grave import, to remain in Europe. NAPOLEON.' 4. Canrobert's Motives for Resigning. [In April and May 1855, about the period when the above letter from the emperor was written, General Canrobert and Lord Raglan took such opposite views concerning Crimean strategy, that, with every wish on both sides to conciliate, they could no longer act together with effect. Canrobert resolved to resign the command in favour of Pelissier, giving as the official reasons for this step the declining state of his health. De Bazancourt, however, prints the following extracts from a letter from Canrobert to the emperor, dated May 19, more explanatory in its character:-] "The little effect hitherto produced against Sebastopol by the numerous and excellent batteries of the Allies; the non-attack by the enemy on our exterior lines-an attack which appeared very probable, and on which I had founded hopes of success more decisive even than that of Inkermann; the arduous difficulties which I have experienced in preparing for the plan of operations laid down by your Majesty-rendered almost impossible by the non-co-operation of the chief of the English army; the false position in which I have been placed, towards the English, by the sudden recall of the Kertch expedition, to which, as I have since learned, they attached very great importance; the extraordinary fatigue, moral and physical, to which I have been incessantly exposed during the last nine months-all these reasons, Sire, have produced in my This refers to the first Kertch expedition, recalled on May 5, (see Narrative, p. 450) by Canrobert, against the wish of Raglan and the admirals. mind a conviction that I ought no longer to hold the direction in chief of an immense army, whose esteem, affection, and confidence I have sought to earn. It hence becomes my duty, towards your Majesty and towards my country, to resign, and to substitute for myself the general [Pelissier] for whom, in his sage foresight, the Emperor had confided to me a letter of [transfer of] command; and who unites the qualitis of capacity, moral authority, power of conducting important affairs, and the energy necessary for bring ing to a successful result the vast enterprise which had fallen to my charge by the death of my predecessar and the will of the Emperor. Soldiers and officers alike know the military qualities of General Pelissier, they will give him all their confidence; we shall að act harmoniously together; and I know that the new commander has a lively faith in his own success. Your Majesty will permit me to add that my name is too well known to the troops, whose confiding affection has never ceased to honour me, for me to do otherwise notwithstanding present circumstancesthan remain among them: in order to afford, in face of fatigues and perils, an example of devotion to the service and the glory of the Emperor and of France. I venture, then, to ask from your Majesty permissi for me to command a simple division, in the fine and heroic army whose conduct has honoured and wit always honour France.' 5. Strength of the Siege-Artillery, at the Final Bombardment of Sebastopol. French.-Against Flagstaff Bastion, Batteries. Gar 19 120 Central Bastion,. 19 134 " " Quarantine Bastion, Malakoff, " Two small redoubts, English.-Right attack, Left " Total,. 121 [A few of these guns were not fired during the struggles of that day. De Bazancourt and his Englis translator make the total of French batteries inconsistent with the items composing it: seventy-two instead of eighty-nine.] VII. ARMY ORGANISATION. [The Sebastopol Committee, the Crimean Commissioners, and the Chelsea Board of Inquiry, published Reports and voluminous evidence relating to the disasters of the British army in the Crimea in the winter 1854-5. These Reports gave rise to much acrimony and many denials and counter-charges, in regard to accusations against individuals. Many of the statements, however, free from this personal bias, are valuable as exemplifications of deficiencies in the British military system. The following are two examples, in addition to several given in the text of the History :-] 1. On British Military Hospitals. "The British army has hitherto, during peace, been kept on so limited an establishment, that it was necessary to resort to every expedient in order to economise its numbers. This, no doubt, originated the long-established practice of having the hospital duties performed by men from the ranks instead of by persons specially enlisted for that duty. The former when no great pressure of sickness requires their presence in hospital, can be made available for military duty, while the latter are a permanent source of expense, without any such contingent advantage. That system had worked moderately well for a long serves of years; but when the army was required for service in Turkey, its numbers were so limited, that it became necessary to add to the effective strength by every possible expedient, and one of the readiest which pre sented itself was to restore to the ranks the men usually withdrawn for hospital service, and to replace them from some other source. Nations whose armies are raised by conscription are never likely to encounter any difficulty in providing attendants on the sick. Out of the large number of conscripts annually placed at the disposal of the Government, there will always be many who, from |